forced to go to work helping his family load silk threads onto bobbins for the clothing mills. The Todds would never be able to afford the clothes they were making. Flax and wool, not silk, formed the basis for their wardrobes. And their wardrobes, meager as they were, Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire were all the Todd family owned. "The poverty and distress of some of these people is inconceivable; very generally a family in every room with very little bedding, furniture or clothes. The few rags on their backs comprised the principal part of their property," a contemporary writer said about the silk industry workers.
Young Sweeney grew up in the shadow of the infamous Tower of London, which in his youth had been converted into a museum and the Royal Zoo. Haining reports that Sweeney spent as much time as possible in the tower, where he was fascinated by the displayed instruments of torture, the stories shared by Tower workers, as well as by the cruelty which the zookeepers inflicted on their imprisoned pets. His penchant for violence was further enhanced during the 1758 Silk Workers Riots, where impoverished workers infuriated over the importation of cheap calico, went on the warpath and attacked women wearing the inexpensive cotton cloth imported from India.
By all accounts, contemporary and historic, Sweeney was loved by his mother, beaten and ignored by his father. His mother's affections, however, weren't returned: "I was fondled and kissed and called a pretty boy," he testified in court. "But later I used to wish I was strong enough to throttle her. What the devil did she bring me into this world for unless she had plenty of money to give me so that I might enjoy myself in it?"
The defining moment in young Sweeney's life occurred when he was 12 or 13 years old. It was one of the coldest winters on record in London, and hundreds of poor people were freezing to death in their homes and on the streets. For his parents, the call of the gin mills was stronger than their dislike of cold, and one evening they went out and left Sweeney Todd alone at home. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire They never returned.
It was unlikely that they knowingly abandoned their only child; Haining supposes that they went out in search of alcohol and either found it and froze to death or died trying to find a drink. In his interrogation following his arrest, Sweeney Todd gave this account of his birth and family: "The church I was christened at burnt down the day after, and all the books burned. My mother and father are dead, and the nurse was hanged and the doctor cut his throat."
How the young boy managed to survive is a mystery, and the next records pertaining to Sweeney Todd show that the youngster was turned over to the local parish, which was charged with finding apprenticeships for orphans.
Monday, November 16, 2009
Thursday, September 24, 2009
summaries 4.sum.994994 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Table 1
Locations Visited and Records Reviewed
Locations visited Records reviewed
-------------------------------------- ----------------------------------------
National Archives, Washington, D.C. Air Force papers on unidentified flying
objects
Army Counterintelligence Corps historical files, 1947-49
National Archives II, College Park, Project Blue Book Special Report No. 14
Md.
National Security Council meeting minutes, 1947-48
National Archives, National Record Army Inspector General reports, 1947-58
Center, Suitland, Md.
Army staff intelligence correspondence, 1947-56
Headquarters Army Air Force message traffic, 1947-54
Army Air Force and Air Materiel Command research and development files, 1947-50
(Wright Field)
National Personnel Records Center, Morning reports for RAAF units, July 1947
St. Louis, Mo. Eighth Air Force messages, 1947-50
Eighth Air Force correspondence, 1947-51
Eighth Air Force weekly activity summaries, July 1947
Service records of key personnel assigned to RAAF, 1947
Project Sign\a investigative reports, 1948
Army Adjutant General correspondence, 1947-49
Missile test firing reports at White Sands, N. Mex., 1947-54
Locations Visited and Records Reviewed
Locations visited Records reviewed
-------------------------------------- ----------------------------------------
National Archives, Washington, D.C. Air Force papers on unidentified flying
objects
Army Counterintelligence Corps historical files, 1947-49
National Archives II, College Park, Project Blue Book Special Report No. 14
Md.
National Security Council meeting minutes, 1947-48
National Archives, National Record Army Inspector General reports, 1947-58
Center, Suitland, Md.
Army staff intelligence correspondence, 1947-56
Headquarters Army Air Force message traffic, 1947-54
Army Air Force and Air Materiel Command research and development files, 1947-50
(Wright Field)
National Personnel Records Center, Morning reports for RAAF units, July 1947
St. Louis, Mo. Eighth Air Force messages, 1947-50
Eighth Air Force correspondence, 1947-51
Eighth Air Force weekly activity summaries, July 1947
Service records of key personnel assigned to RAAF, 1947
Project Sign\a investigative reports, 1948
Army Adjutant General correspondence, 1947-49
Missile test firing reports at White Sands, N. Mex., 1947-54
Sunday, August 2, 2009
Shoichi Kaihara 1.sk.00003 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
application for license had been permitted when commercial evidence was submitted. No objection had been offered to the furnishing of money to Japanese associations for the next month, and remittances to Japanese newspapermen were allowed.
In addition, as a temporary measure after August 22, 1941, it had been decided to allow Japanese travellers to carry as much as 400 pesos when leaving the country. Consul Nihro reported that he had endeavored to be as efficient as possible in applying for licenses and he had requested that the same exemption from submitting reports be accorded Japanese businessmen as was accorded Chinese businessmen. He believed that these requests would receive favorable consideration.[773]
265. President Quezon's Illness Delays Trade Negotiations
On September 1, 1941 Japanese officials at Manila were attempting to negotiate a trade agreement whereby it would be possible to procure needed goods from the Philippines. It was reported, however, that negotiations were being held up owing to President Quezon's illness. The date fixed for putting this agreement into effect would depend upon the convenience of the firms concerned and the availability of steamers.[774]
Instructions that Consul Nihro establish contact with President Quezon and the new Secretary of the Interior, Mr. Rafael R. Alunan, were sent by Foreign Minister Toyoda on September 6, 1941. He pointed out that while the commercial negotiations were being carried on, it would be necessary for the Japanese Consul to participate often in regard to current questions.[775]
266. The Japanese Attempt to Procure Molasses Export Permits
Since September 1, 1941 (Labor Day) was an American holiday, Consul Nihro reported that it was impossible to talk with the High Commissioner concerning a new export permit for the first ship which would arrive in the Philippines to load molasses. The merchants, however, were optimistic regarding the permit. The Japanese Consul added that he would investigate the possibility of securing lumber and wire.[776]
267. Japanese Optimism Concerning Trade Permits Is Dispelled
Japanese optimism concerning normal trade relations was dispelled by a rumor reported to Tokyo on September 2, 1941. Philippine dealers had learned from a source considered to be reliable that under discussion was a proposal which was designed to prevent exporting by applying the export license system to all goods to be shipped to Japan and French Indo-China. Mr. Noble, the chief export control official, had informed Japanese lumber dealers that he believed the exporting license system would apply to logs and to all kinds of soft woods.
The export official had given no definite reply when questioned concerning the exporting of molasses, saying that the matter was now being referred to Washington. Under the circumstances, Consul Nihro suggested that the dispatching of the Kaisoku Maru be delayed for a time.[777]
Upon further investigation, the Japanese Consul learned that no cancellation would be ordered for items already permitted, barring, of course, that no unforeseen incident broke out in the meantime. The official in charge had been unwilling to speak definitely on the matter since he had not yet received instructions from Washington as to how the export
[773] III, 523.
[774] III, 524.
[775] III, 525.
[776] III, 526.
[777] III, 527.
[166]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
license system would be applied. Upon Consul Nihro's request for a permit for the Kaisoku Maru, the official had given no definite reply but had asked merely that the dealers file an application.[778]
On September 4, 1941, the Japanese Consul to the Philippines reported extreme leniency in the physical examination of Japanese who were entering the country. The leniency of examining authorities had been particularly marked in the investigation of venereal diseases.[779]
268. Consul Nihro Requests Lenient Handling of Americans Passing Through Customs
Consul Nihro declared on September 4, 1941 that as a result of legislation freezing funds and regulating exports, Japanese nationals in the Philippine Islands greatly feared ill-treatment upon their leaving the country. Adding to this fear was a statement in a local English language newspaper that the officials in Japan and Shanghai had been extremely rigorous in their examinations of students sent out by the Philippine government, who had recently returned from the United States to their homes in the Islands.
Since many more Japanese were coming and going in these islands than were Americans and Filipinos passing through Japan and Shanghai, Consul Nihro asked that all possible arrangements be made to ensure lenient handling of American nationals.[780]
269. Consul Nihro Requests Suppression by Tokyo of Inflammatory Newspaper Statements
Believing that certain newspaper reports made in a Shanghai newspaper were inciting dissension, Mr. Nihro asked on September 4, 1941 that they be suppressed by Tokyo. Far from the truth, he declared, was the statement which had appeared in the Mainichi newspaper in Shanghai that Japanese residents in the Philippine Islands were resisting as best they could the pressure of American and Filipino authorities. An editorial comment in the same paper to the effect that Japanese fishing boats were barred from the Islands because of the antipathy of the Filipinos, as well as other false statements, had greatly embarrassed the Japanese attempting to do business in the Islands. Authorities in Japan were asked, therefore, to exert their best efforts so that such uncalled for statements would not be made in the future and that such editorial comments would not be printed in the papers in Shanghai.[781]
270. Japanese Are Denied Molasses Permits
Having been notified that Washington would not permit the loading of molasses, Japanese Consul Nihro demanded on September 4, 1941 that this matter be reconsidered. However, since delay would be created by a second appeal to Washington, he thought it best to direct the Kaisoku Maru to return to Japan. He added, for the information of the Japanese Foreign Office, that molasses was not a permit item.[782]
Although Mr. Wuyirobii had the authority to cancel export permits for iron ore, he had given the Japanese Consul his word that such cancellation would not be made. For this reason, Foreign Minister Toyoda was asked to dispatch a ship as quickly as possible.
A few days later a plan was evolved by Consul Nihro to have interested Filipinos apply for permission to export molasses and other goods. He believed, however, that the possibility of loading products successfully was very small since most Filipinos would "pull in their necks" when the necessity of American-Philippine cooperation was explained to them or when they were asked if they intended to revise the policy of the United States. In case this
[778] III, 528.
[779] III, 529.
[780] III, 530.
[781 III, 531.
[782] III, 532.
[167]
attempt should fail, the Japanese intended to use the restriction of Japanese-Philippine trade for propaganda purposes.[783]
Consul Nihro declared on September 9, 1941 that the British Consul General had been watching the recent increase of exports to Japan and had called the attention of the Americans to the shortage of fuel. In view of this fact, Consul Nihro believed it to be unwise to ask for a reconsideration of the American refusal to grant permits. Since it appeared that arrangements were being made for the resale of goods previously designed for Japan, and as there was a considerable demand within the Islands for fuel, the Japanese Consul suggested that the matter be abandoned.[784]
271. Lack of Shipping Curtails Japanese Mail to the Philippine Islands
Consul Nihro suggested to Tokyo on September 5, 1941 that the East Asia Bureau have mail routed to the Philippine Islands via Shanghai, since many of the Japanese residents in the Islands were concerned because they had received no mail from home. Since the mail would be transported from Shanghai to the Islands on foreign ships, he advised that the contents be examined before sending mail from Japan.[785]
Foreign Minister Toyoda replied on September 9, 1941 that the Bureau of Communications was giving study to this matter of transportation of mail. Since the French ships sailing between Shanghai and Saigon were routed by way of Hongkong, where they were inspected, this route was not a desirable one for Japan to use. However, if Consul Nihro could discover whether French ships were sailing directly from Shanghai to Manila, he was asked to inform the Foreign Office of this fact. At the present time, the Bureau was considering the use of Japanese ships from Shanghai to Saigon and of French ships from Saigon to Manila.[786]
272. Mr. Nihro Inquires Concerning Japanese-American Negotiations
In view of the lack of funds to carry on the work of the Consul General, Mr. Nihro requested on September 11, 1941 that the Japanese Foreign Office advise him of the present status of Japanese-American negotiations. He had believed that the work could be carried on for perhaps two months with the funds on hand, but since it now appeared that negotiations would continue for a much longer period than was previously anticipated, the Japanese Consul was disturbed about the future. Since he had also learned that the New York branch office of the Tourist Bureau was soon to be closed, he asked that instructions be sent from the Tourist Bureau's home office.[787]
273. Consul Nihro Rules Against Competition Among Japanese Firms
To avoid difficulties which might result from American authorities noticing competitive activities among Japanese firms, Consul Nihro informed the Foreign Office on September 12, 1941 that he had forbidden certain firms to wire Japan. Asking the Foreign Office to form a pool for the firms in order to keep them from competing, he suggested that one company should be appointed to handle all the business of a certain type, as in the case of importing hemp or lumber, and this company alone should send telegrams.
In a recent conference with Mr. Yuirobyii, the Japanese Consul found that lumber exportations would be governed by a general license since this was a non-remittance export. How this system would apply to logs was not certain, and in case the matter was not clarified soon, it was agreed that an inquiry should be wired to the High Commissioner's Office.[788]
[783] III, 533.
[784] III, 534.
[785] III, 535.
[786] III, 536.
[787] III, 537.
[788] III, 538.
[168]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
274. Japan Decides Against Subsidizing Philippine Political Candidates
Although in the Philippine Islands the Japanese had been following the policy of subsidizing political candidates who, if elected, would cooperate with Japanese officials, it had been previously decided (See Volume II—Japanese-American Relations) to investigate the characters of candidates very carefully, as well as to discover their chances for election. On September 4, 1941, Consul Nihro notified Tokyo of the details of a particularly turbulent political race being held in the "Jyu" election district. The Governor, belonging to the opposition party, had suspended the chairman of the "Jyu" faction and as a result President Quezon had suspended the Governor. Consequently, the election district was declared open to free political candidates.
Believing, however, that open support of this pro-Japanese candidate would be dangerous, even if the district were limited to officially recognized candidates, the Japanese Consul asked permission to report the impossibility of raising the necessary funds though Mr. Enoshima in Japan, would somehow try to raise the necessary 5,000 pesos by the time of the election.[789]
On September 13, 1941 Foreign Minister Toyoda advised Consul Nihro that Mr. Enoshima had informed Mr. Kakiage that he was experiencing difficulty in raising funds at the present time, furthermore, there was no way of making remittances. In view of the fact that the candidate did not comply with Japan's wishes and there would be various other candidates whom Japan might wish to assist, no further aid could be extended at this time. The Japanese Consul was directed to make a reply along this line. [790]
275. Consul Nihro Reports Political Strife in the Philippines
Local altercations between members of rival political parties were creating a critical situation, the Japanese Consul at Manila reported on September 16, 1941. A Filipino had attempted to kidnap the secretary of the Ko Mon Kai in retaliation for an attempt by staff members of the local branch of the Nationalist party to murder a member of the Simpoto faction. Since officers of the Toa Simpoto as well as 50 members of the Nationalist party had been placed on the black list, the Simpoto party was attempting to retaliate by force. The Chinese Consul claimed, Mr. Nihro reported, that he was not familiar with the details of the incident.[791]
Foreign Minister Toyoda commented that the problem of the conflict between the Ko Mon Kai Society and the Nationalist Party was of greater importance to Japan than the differences in the negotiations at Manila. He directed the Vice Consul at Saigon, therefore, to get in touch with Manila to aid the Ko Mon Kai Society and to limit the disturbances as soon as possible since the main objective of the negotiations was to get control of the Ko Mon Kai and to allow its members to work out their own ideas.[792]
276. Japanese and Philippine Diplomats Postpone Negotiations
Consul Nihro reported the details of an interview he had with Mr. Rafael R. Alunan, Secretary of the Interior on September 17, 1941.
Accompanied by Mr. Kihara and Mr. Morokumo, Consul Nihro was informed that the status quo in regard to trade between Japan and the Philippine Islands would be maintained until 1946 at which time, because of the newly acquired independence of the Philippines, open negotiations in regard to the land problem could begin. Mr. Kihara had then presented a memorandum regarding the preservation of the status quo, and Secretary Alunan had promised to deliver it to President Quezon on the following day.
[789] III, 539
[790] III, 540.
[791] III, 541.
[792] III, 542
[169]
After meeting with President Quezon on September 18, 1941, Secretary Alunan had left on urgent business for a trip into the country. As a result, though he had telephoned Mr. Morokumo that there was no reason why Mr. Kihara should not return to his post, he had reported very little of his interview with President Quezon. However, President Quezon in his last discussion with Mr. Kihara and Mr. Morokumo, had avoided setting a definite date for future discussions, and since Consul Nihro believed that it was probably better for Japan not to specify a date, mention of 1946 had been purposely avoided.[793]
Following Mr. Alunan's return on September 22, 1941 from his short business trip, Consul Nihro was able to report that President Quezon had confirmed the memorandum presented to Mr. Alunan on September 17, 1941.[794]
Foreign Minister Toyoda pointed out that the mutual agreement between the Japanese and Philippine representatives was nothing more than a verbal promise since no written recognition of the Japanese memorandum had been demanded of the Philippine officials. Not from a lack of faith in Secretary Alunan or President Quezon's word but in view of the important nature of the question, the Japanese Foreign Minister felt that some secret paper outlining the agreement or the secretary's signature on the copy of the memorandum should be obtained despite the delicate relations existing between the Philippine authorities and the High Commissioners. In case the Philippine authorities should violate this understanding and no written agreement had been obtained, Japan would find itself powerless to take any action.[795]
277. Consul Nihro Asks That Lumber and Iron Ore Ships Be Dispatched Immediately
Advising that ships be dispatched immediately, although separately, to the Philippines, the Japanese Consul declared on September 16, 1941 that lumber was not to be included in the recently enlarged list of items affected by the export license system. Since the length of time during which this exemption would be in effect was by no means certain, he pointed out the necessity of sending ships immediately, and of notifying the traders in the Philippines of the names of the ships and the date of their arrival as soon as possible.[796]
According to Consul Nihro on September 22, 1941 logs and lumber were on the list, published on September 20, 1941, of material not covered by the export control order. He further declared that no permits had been granted for hemp exports, although there had been no change in permits which had already been issued.[797]
Consul Nihro also asked that Japanese ships be dispatched immediately in order that the loading of iron ore could be continued. If ships were not sent soon to the Islands, there was danger of discouraging further Japanese efforts. Furthermore, it was necessary that funds resulting from previous exports to the Philippines be utilized since they would only increase the frozen funds.[798]
278. Japan Sends the Hakone Maru to Evacuate Nationals
The Foreign Minister advised the Japanese Consul at Manila on September 26, 1941 that the Hakone Maru would soon call at Manila and Davao. The Foreign Office was to be advised of the number of Japanese withdrawing from that district as well as other details of the evacuation.[799]
[793] III, 543.
[794] III, 544.
[795] III, 545.
[796] III, 546.
[797] III, 547.
[798] III, 548.
[799] III, 549.
[170]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
279. The Foreign Office Arranges the Sale of a Philippine Vessel
Apparently to complete the sale of the Fuyo No. 1, the Foreign Office asked the Japanese Consul at Manila on September 29, 1941 for permission of the owners in the Philippines to dispose of the vessel at approximately ¥29,000. In case the sale were made, two-thirds of the sale price would go to the owners remaining in the Philippines while one-third would be paid to those who brought the ship to Japan. He also inquired if he should send 6,000 pesos of the latter sums to the owners in the Philippines immediately following the sale.[800]
280. Japan Arrests Philippine Profiteers
In answer to a dispatch, Foreign Minister Toyoda in Japan sent the names of individuals who had been punished for violation of the Exchange Control Act. Among those who had been charged with collecting dollars in Japan to sell for yen in Shanghai were Raphael Aquino, who was a nephew of the former Director Aquino in Manila, Juan Aquino, and Riserio Kasutoro.[801]
According to the Japanese Foreign Office, Raphael Aquino had requested on October 3, 1941 that his father, Ganzalo Aquino send him Y3,000 with which to pay his fine. Since no remittance had been received, as of October 10, 1941, Consul Nihro was requested to talk with the elder Aquino to find out his character and to have the father advise his son to return home.[802]
281. The Foreign Office Directs that Machine Code Be Used Only for Official Messages
The day before the new code system was to go into effect, the Japanese Foreign Office informed Manila on October 13, 1941 that the system was to be used entirely for secret messages and not for personal ones.[803]
[800] III, 550.
[801] III, 551.
[802] III, 552.
[803] III, 553.
[171]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
PART C—JAPANESE DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITIES THROUGHOUT THE WORLD
(d) Japanese-Mexican Relations
282. Japanese Agent Suggests Liquidating Petroleum Company
In view of the strained commercial relations existing between Japan and Mexico, Mr. Okumura, a representative of the Japanese Pacific Petroleum Company in Mexico, advised his Tokyo office that since difficulty was being encountered in obtaining manufacturing permits, Japanese officials and machinery of the company should be evacuated. At the same time he submitted to the company president, Mr. Kubota, an estimate of the company funds on hand in Mexico as of August 6, 1941.[804]
283. Japanese Commercial Representative Leaves Honduras
After Minister Yoshiaki Miura had been consulted by officials in Tokyo in regard to the evacuation of Mr. Megurigami, a Japanese commercial agent in Honduras, he inquired on August 8, 1941 whether the Foreign Office had been consulted. Mr. Megurigami had asked permission to return home since the freezing regulations had badly affected Japanese-Honduras trade. Although his return had already been authorized by his home office, his superiors had asked for the opinion of Minister Miura.[805]
On August 14, 1941 Minister Miura was advised by the Foreign Office that the Japanese company, after consulting with the Foreign Office, had made arrangements for the official's return to Tokyo.[806]
284. Minister Miura Encounters Difficulties in Financial Transactions
Still experiencing difficulty in collecting exchange certificates, the Japanese Minister in Mexico inquired of the Foreign Office on August 8, 1941 concerning the best method of securing permits from the American authorities for commercial transactions. He advised that his funds on hand were diminishing, and asked that instructions be sent to him immediately.[807]
285. Minister Miura Suggests Waiting Policy in Resisting Trade Restrictions
The Japanese Minister reported to Foreign Minister Toyoda on August 11, 1941 concerning the restrictions placed on exports in Mexico. The Mexican government, he said, would hardly dare ease up on trade restrictions which had been dictated by the United States, especially since the enforcement of the Presidential order was being carefully watched at the present time.
Although previous secret efforts made by the various Japanese commercial firms to exchange Japanese rayon for Mexican mercury had ended in failure, Mexican companies were now beginning to work openly to obtain permission for this exchange. Consequently, newspaper articles relating to the subject were appearing almost daily in Mexican newspapers. Furthermore, the rayon textile dealers planned to send manufacturing representatives directly to the Mexican President, at the same time sending telegrams to senators.
Pointing out that the Japanese could instigate a propaganda campaign, Minister Miura, however, advised against this since the scheme might react upon Japan.
[804] III, 554.
[805] III, 555.
[806] III, 556.
[807] III, 557.
[173]
Since it was necessary that the situation be thoroughly understood before taking part in it, a policy of waiting was advised by Minister Miura. According to him, the present pertinent question appeared to be: When will the United States sacrifice civilian or even military necessities in order to supply Mexico's needs? Although the United States had, he said, formerly promised to give this matter consideration, no expression of its intentions had yet been seen. When at last it became apparent that the United States did not intend to supply Mexico with rayon, and the existing stock in Mexico had been completely exhausted, the Japanese Minister felt that the reaction in Mexico would ultimately favor trade with Japan.[808]
On August 11, 1941 the Japanese Minister further reported that he had learned a great deal concerning the existing situation in his talk with a Mexican official on August 2, 1941. Although the plans for "barter" of rayon and mercury had begun to show hopeful developments, America's announcement of its intentions had caused them to be abandoned. Since, in the opinion of the Mexican official, it would be absolutely impossible for America to furnish rayon to Mexico, it would be opportune, following the meeting of the assembly on September 1, 1941, to get in touch with influential senators for the purpose of bringing about a change.
To win the support of Mexican people, the Mexican official advised that the Japanese Minister secure export permits for the shipments which had been contracted for before the issuance of the Presidential order. Several days later Senor Enrique Osornia, a Mexican senator, made a similar suggestion. Although Japan formerly had decided to withhold all shipments of rayon to Mexico, the Japanese Minister replied that the 3,000 boxes on the Heiyo Maru would suffice in the way of a friendly "gesture" by Japan, although an increase in the stock of rayon in Mexico at this time might possibly have adverse results. Furthermore, unless this gesture aided in the solution of the whole problem it would be difficult to change the attitude of the Japanese government.[809]
286. Minister Miura Postpones Rayon Prince Cutting Scheme
In answer to Foreign Minister Toyoda's suggestion that Japan counter American plans by furnishing Japanese rayon to Mexico at half price, Minister Miura advised on August 12, 1941 that the lowering of price could be used as a forceful tool in future trade treaties, but that Japan's wiser course would be to await a better opportunity.[810] He reiterated that no question of price or barter existed at the moment, but that Japan's problem was to overcome Mexican trade restrictions.[811]
Dr. Kiso Tsuru, a well known leader in Japanese oil, mining, construction, and other enterprises in Mexico, reporting on August 5, 1941 indicated the attitude of the Mexican President and Economic Minister as revealed by a person close to the President. This confirmed the advice of the Japanese Minister that any action by Japan at this time would be futile.[812]
287. Minister Miura Opposes Mr. Tsuru's Silk Control Plan
As to the possibility of future trade between Mexico and Japan, Mr. Miura disapproved of a plan concerning artificial silk which had been evolved by Mr. Tsuru. In view of the fact that artificial silk was the only instrument which might guarantee to Japan the acquisition of Mexican materials, Minister Miura advised Tokyo on August 12, 1941 that he opposed any breakdown of the present control as suggested by Dr. Tsuru.[813]
[808] III, 558.
[809] III, 559.
[810] III, 560.
[811] III, 561.
[812] Ibid.
[813] III, 562.
[174]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
288. Tokyo Directs the Pacific Petroleum Company to Close Its Office
In answer to a request from his home office in Tokyo, Mr. Okumura informed officials of the Pacific Petroleum Company on August 12, 1941 that it would be impossible to evacuate machinery and company personnel for some time to come since no Japanese ships were being assigned to that route.[814]
Mr. Okumura was advised via Foreign Office dispatches that the decision of the three Japanese officials in Mexico in regard to closing the Mexican Office had been confirmed. The company official was to carry out certain instructions in shipping company personnel and machinery out of Mexico, and was to comply with stated priorities.[815]
289. Minister Miura Is Directed to Ship Machinery on the Azuma Maru
On August 15, 1941 Minister Miura learned that the Azuma Maru would leave Yokohama on September 5, 1941 and arrive in Manzanillo on September 24, 1941. In order to comply with a request from the Chief of the Japanese Fuel Bureau, Minister Miura was to have ready for loading at Manzanillo a drilling machine, a tractor, a caterpillar, and powder for a gun perforator. Several parts to be used in a Diesel engine were to be purchased and loaded on the Azuma Maru,[816] as well as the machinery which was being sent to Japan by the Pacific Petroleum Company. The Japanese Foreign Minister added that, although other countries considered the Azuma Maru as an ordinary commercial vessel, the Japanese government considered the ship to be in official use.[817]
290. Dr. Tsuru Plans to Aid the Pacific Petroleum Company
Minister Miura advised Foreign Minister Toyoda on August 21, 1941 that his instructions regarding the evacuation of company officials and machinery had been received.[818]
When Dr. Tsuru was informed of the purport, he submitted a counter proposal by which the Pacific Company's main office would continue its actual prospecting on the principle of "Live and let live", with drilling being carried on as soon as drilling permits could be obtained. The Mexican firms would carry the expenses of operations and maintenance, and in the event of a crisis the Pacific Petroleum Company would retain the funds on hand.[819]
After this counter proposal had been made, however, the Foreign Minister's dispatch of August 21, 1941, concerning the schedule of the Azuma Maru, had been received, and the Mexican firms returned to their original plan. They agreed to carry the expenses of the company's maintenance and to protect Pacific Company funds from confiscation. Since the machinery was to be sent to Japan, the operations of the company would be limited, but for the time being, according to Mr. Tsuru's plan, the Pacific Company was to continue prospecting with the Mexican companies attempting to secure operating permits and to collect guarantee funds for the purchase of petroleum.[820]
On August 30, 1941 the Japanese Foreign Office informed Minister Miura that there was no room for reconsideration of any counter proposal made by Dr. Tsuru or the Mexican firms. As far as the Foreign Office was concerned, the Pacific Petroleum Company had temporarily stopped operations.[821]
[814] III, 563.
[815] III, 564-656.
[816] III, 566.
[817] III, 567.
[818] III, 568.
[819] III, 569.
[820] III, 570-571.
[821] III, 572.
[175]
291. Minister Miura Advises Against Sending the Azuma Maru to Manzanillo
On August 22, 1941 the Japanese Minister in Mexico advised that the Azuma Maru was scheduled to stop at Manzanillo on September 13, 1941. Since the ship had left this port on July 17, 1941 after the imposition of the Mexican embargo, he advised against its returning to Mexico. An unfortunate situation would be created if a dispute should arise because of the Mexican government's forbidding, on some pretext, the unloading or sailing of the ship.[822]
292. The Pacific Petroleum Company Summarizes Its Assets
On September 1, 1941 officials of the Pacific Petroleum Company sent to Tokyo through diplomatic channels a statement of their funds in Mexico. The greater portion of their capital, over a million pesos,[823] had been deposited with the Mexican Legation, 1,000 piastras had been deposited in the bank, and a considerable sum was being held by the Japanese consulate. Total assets in August, 1941 amounted to 1,201,639.76 pesos and $5,072 American dollars.[824]
293. Japanese Legation Uses Secret Funds
Prospective difficulties in making payment to the Legation staff and other Japanese officials in Mexico caused Minister Miura to ask in July, 1941 that the Foreign Office work out some method of remitting funds. (See Volume II, #423). Foreign Minister Toyoda replied on September 2, 1941 that although there would be a delay in the remittance of salaries, the Foreign Office was studying methods of making remittances in spite of the freezing order of the United States. Until such payment became possible, the Japanese Minister was instructed to make use of the secret fund or other funds kept at the Legation.[825]
294. Minister Miura Rejects Foreign Office's Secret Barter Scheme
On September 3, 1941 eleven days after Minister Miura had advised the Japanese government to order the Azuma Maru not to touch port at Manzanillo,[826] he expressed his indignation to the Foreign Office concerning the Japanese Navy's scheme of disguising the exchanging of artificial silk for Mexican mercury as a commercial deal undertaken by civilian business firms without the cognizance of either government. In view of Japan's strict control of rayon exports, the adoption of such a plan was merely, he said, to harbor a hallucination born of ignorance. If such a scheme were worth taking a chance on the danger involved, it should be done in such a way that the Japanese government could say that it knew nothing of it, thereby avoiding any responsibility. The Japanese navy had stated, however, that any results arising from future dealings would have to be handled by Foreign Office officials. One mistake in such a plan might well give rise to international complications which would seriously affect the prestige of the Empire, Minister Miura declared, and for this reason the Foreign Office should not carry out cooperation with the military authorities to such an extent that it would accept the unwise plan.[827]
295. Minister Miura Threatens to Resign
Continuing his remarks on the Japanese Navy's scheme to acquire mercury, the Japanese Minister protested against having to take action upon a situation which had been explained only to his Naval Attache. Furthermore, Minister Miura could not understand why no previous inquiry had been made concerning actual conditions in Mexico, or why no information had been given to him as the Minister responsible for the actions of his government in Mexico.
[822] III, 573.
[823] A peso was worth 20.5 cents in American money at this time.
[824] III, 574.
[825] III, 575.
[826] III, 573.
[827] III, 576.
[176]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Requesting an explanation from the Foreign Minister in this regard, he declared that if, in the face of his sincere counsel, the original plans were insisted upon and carried out, he would resign and request that he be ordered home immediately.[828]
296. Minister Miura Withdraws Request for Additional Staff Members
Despite his previous request for the establishment of a Japanese consulate at Manzanillo, the Japanese Minister now explained to Tokyo on September 5, 1941 that it was unwise to send additional officials at this time when Mexico was keeping Japanese affairs under close observation. Since making necessary arrangements for the arrival of the Japanese officials might arouse the suspicion of the Mexican government, which was carefully scrutinizing all Japanese movements, he advised that any action on this matter be postponed pending a more favorable opportunity.[829]
297. Japan Lifts Ban on Silk Exports to Mexico
On September 6, 1941 Japan informed the Japanese Minister in Mexico that the ban on exports of artificial silk was being lifted, and that Mexico would be guaranteed a minimum supply of 10,000 boxes of artificial silk for the next six months. In exchange Mexico was allowing accommodations for Japanese ships at the ports of Manzanillo, Acapulco, and Salina Cruz, and providing the ships with 30,000 tons of fuel oil during the next six months. Continuation of this agreement would be discussed at the end of six months.[830]
In explaining this decision Foreign Minister Toyoda informed Minister Miura that General Jose Luis Amezcua, the Mexican Minister in Tokyo, had called on the Chief of the Japanese Trade Bureau to propose that Japan ship rayon in Japanese ships as far as Manzanillo, with Mexico supplying, by way of exchange, fuel oil for the ships. Since Japan was controlling trade to counter Mexico's anti-Japanese position, the export of Japanese rayon silk to Mexico was forbidden. However, in spite of this fact, Japan desired to discuss the Mexican Minister's plan, since it needed oil for its ships assigned to Central and South America, and since such negotiations would contribute toward the lessening of Mexico's pressure against Japan. After Japan made its proposal the Mexican Minister sought instructions from home. He declared that because of Mexico's relations with the United States it would be best to agree on this matter before any transfers of materials were made.[831]
Minister Miura then advised Tokyo that it was in the interests of Japan that any rayon shipments from Japan should be made after the signing of the pending agreement.[832]
298. Japan Objects to Mexican Parcel Post Restrictions
An unforeseen development in Japanese-Mexican relations occurred when the Japanese Foreign Minister learned on September 9, 1941 that diplomatic parcel post would be opened in the presence of customs officials whenever the Mexican government deemed it necessary. Mexico had explained, however, that such action was not intended to be a means of applying pressure on Axis nations.[833]
The Japanese Foreign Office replied on September 13, 1941 that such action was considered objectionable from the standpoint of its international relations.[834]
[828] Ibid.
[829] III, 577.
[830] III, 578.
[831] III, 579.
[832] III, 580.
[833] III, 581.
[834] III, 582.
[177]
299. The Japanese Foreign Office Instructs Minister Miura to Aid German Nationals
Without previous reference to the subject on September 10, 1941 Foreign Minister Toyoda gave Minister Miura the names of five German citizens with the explanation that there were no objections to granting them visas to enter Japan. The Germans, the Foreign Minister said, wished to leave Manzanillo September 16, 1941 on the Heiyo Maru.[835]
Minister Miura notified Tokyo on September 13, 1941 that on the previous day he has been asked to cooperate with Mexico in securing passage to Japan for five Germans whom Mexico wished to deport but whose names it would not divulge.
Since it would be necessary to ensure against propaganda being made of the fact that Japan had assisted in the banishment of these persons, the Japanese Minister had replied that he must first ask instructions from his government, and that it would be necessary to be advised of the names of the persons to be deported as well as the reasons therefor. Although Mexican officials had agreed to give Japan this information in strict confidence, on the morning of September 13, 1941 there had been no further word from the Mexican Foreign Office.
Since the Heiyo Maru was scheduled to sail from Manzanillo on September 16, 1941 Minister Miura asked the Foreign Office for immediate instructions. Minister Miura had secretly conferred with members of the German Legation in Mexico, and had been informed that they were at a loss to know the meaning of this action unless it referred to the five persons mentioned previously by Tokyo.[836]
300. Japanese Officials Prepare for Arrival from Tokyo
On September 10, 1941 Tokyo requested the Japanese Legation to assist Couriers Harada Masayuki and Morino Maysayoshi, who would enter Mexico toward the end of September at Manzanillo on the Terukawa Maru. All assistance was to be given them in their passage through Mexico to Washington.[837]
From the Japanese Embassy in Washington on September 15, 1941 came the request that the schedule of Couriers Harada and Morino be forwarded as soon as they had arrived in Mexico.[838] Japanese officials in Mexico were also asked to assist in making reservations for Minister Wakasugi, who sailing from Yokohama, would arrive on the Terukawa Maru at Manzanillo about October 4, 1941 and would proceed to Washington by plane.[839]
301. Azuma Maru Leaves Japan on September 14, 1941
In accordance with Minister Miura's request that he be informed of developments in regard to the "barter" of rayon for bunker oil, the Japanese Foreign Office indicated on September 13, 1941 that the Azuma Maru would leave Japan on September 14, 1941. Since the rayon had already been loaded, and it would have been difficult to unload it again, it had been shipped with its disposal at Manzanillo left to the judgment of Minister Miura. However, if the barter arrangements had not been effected by the time the Azuma Maru reached the Mexican port, the Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Japanese Minister was given permission to send the vessel back to Japan.[840]
302. Special Japanese Naval Liaison Officer is Selected
The name of Mr. Shoichi Kaihara, a Japanese Legation staff member, was sent to Tokyo for approval on September 18, 1941. The official had been selected to act as a special liaison man for the Japanese navy, Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire and in that capacity would make an official trip to Colombia.[841]
[835] III, 583.
[836] III, 584.
[837] III, 585.
[838] III, 586.
[839] III, 587.
[840] III, 588.
[841] III, 589.
In addition, as a temporary measure after August 22, 1941, it had been decided to allow Japanese travellers to carry as much as 400 pesos when leaving the country. Consul Nihro reported that he had endeavored to be as efficient as possible in applying for licenses and he had requested that the same exemption from submitting reports be accorded Japanese businessmen as was accorded Chinese businessmen. He believed that these requests would receive favorable consideration.[773]
265. President Quezon's Illness Delays Trade Negotiations
On September 1, 1941 Japanese officials at Manila were attempting to negotiate a trade agreement whereby it would be possible to procure needed goods from the Philippines. It was reported, however, that negotiations were being held up owing to President Quezon's illness. The date fixed for putting this agreement into effect would depend upon the convenience of the firms concerned and the availability of steamers.[774]
Instructions that Consul Nihro establish contact with President Quezon and the new Secretary of the Interior, Mr. Rafael R. Alunan, were sent by Foreign Minister Toyoda on September 6, 1941. He pointed out that while the commercial negotiations were being carried on, it would be necessary for the Japanese Consul to participate often in regard to current questions.[775]
266. The Japanese Attempt to Procure Molasses Export Permits
Since September 1, 1941 (Labor Day) was an American holiday, Consul Nihro reported that it was impossible to talk with the High Commissioner concerning a new export permit for the first ship which would arrive in the Philippines to load molasses. The merchants, however, were optimistic regarding the permit. The Japanese Consul added that he would investigate the possibility of securing lumber and wire.[776]
267. Japanese Optimism Concerning Trade Permits Is Dispelled
Japanese optimism concerning normal trade relations was dispelled by a rumor reported to Tokyo on September 2, 1941. Philippine dealers had learned from a source considered to be reliable that under discussion was a proposal which was designed to prevent exporting by applying the export license system to all goods to be shipped to Japan and French Indo-China. Mr. Noble, the chief export control official, had informed Japanese lumber dealers that he believed the exporting license system would apply to logs and to all kinds of soft woods.
The export official had given no definite reply when questioned concerning the exporting of molasses, saying that the matter was now being referred to Washington. Under the circumstances, Consul Nihro suggested that the dispatching of the Kaisoku Maru be delayed for a time.[777]
Upon further investigation, the Japanese Consul learned that no cancellation would be ordered for items already permitted, barring, of course, that no unforeseen incident broke out in the meantime. The official in charge had been unwilling to speak definitely on the matter since he had not yet received instructions from Washington as to how the export
[773] III, 523.
[774] III, 524.
[775] III, 525.
[776] III, 526.
[777] III, 527.
[166]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
license system would be applied. Upon Consul Nihro's request for a permit for the Kaisoku Maru, the official had given no definite reply but had asked merely that the dealers file an application.[778]
On September 4, 1941, the Japanese Consul to the Philippines reported extreme leniency in the physical examination of Japanese who were entering the country. The leniency of examining authorities had been particularly marked in the investigation of venereal diseases.[779]
268. Consul Nihro Requests Lenient Handling of Americans Passing Through Customs
Consul Nihro declared on September 4, 1941 that as a result of legislation freezing funds and regulating exports, Japanese nationals in the Philippine Islands greatly feared ill-treatment upon their leaving the country. Adding to this fear was a statement in a local English language newspaper that the officials in Japan and Shanghai had been extremely rigorous in their examinations of students sent out by the Philippine government, who had recently returned from the United States to their homes in the Islands.
Since many more Japanese were coming and going in these islands than were Americans and Filipinos passing through Japan and Shanghai, Consul Nihro asked that all possible arrangements be made to ensure lenient handling of American nationals.[780]
269. Consul Nihro Requests Suppression by Tokyo of Inflammatory Newspaper Statements
Believing that certain newspaper reports made in a Shanghai newspaper were inciting dissension, Mr. Nihro asked on September 4, 1941 that they be suppressed by Tokyo. Far from the truth, he declared, was the statement which had appeared in the Mainichi newspaper in Shanghai that Japanese residents in the Philippine Islands were resisting as best they could the pressure of American and Filipino authorities. An editorial comment in the same paper to the effect that Japanese fishing boats were barred from the Islands because of the antipathy of the Filipinos, as well as other false statements, had greatly embarrassed the Japanese attempting to do business in the Islands. Authorities in Japan were asked, therefore, to exert their best efforts so that such uncalled for statements would not be made in the future and that such editorial comments would not be printed in the papers in Shanghai.[781]
270. Japanese Are Denied Molasses Permits
Having been notified that Washington would not permit the loading of molasses, Japanese Consul Nihro demanded on September 4, 1941 that this matter be reconsidered. However, since delay would be created by a second appeal to Washington, he thought it best to direct the Kaisoku Maru to return to Japan. He added, for the information of the Japanese Foreign Office, that molasses was not a permit item.[782]
Although Mr. Wuyirobii had the authority to cancel export permits for iron ore, he had given the Japanese Consul his word that such cancellation would not be made. For this reason, Foreign Minister Toyoda was asked to dispatch a ship as quickly as possible.
A few days later a plan was evolved by Consul Nihro to have interested Filipinos apply for permission to export molasses and other goods. He believed, however, that the possibility of loading products successfully was very small since most Filipinos would "pull in their necks" when the necessity of American-Philippine cooperation was explained to them or when they were asked if they intended to revise the policy of the United States. In case this
[778] III, 528.
[779] III, 529.
[780] III, 530.
[781 III, 531.
[782] III, 532.
[167]
attempt should fail, the Japanese intended to use the restriction of Japanese-Philippine trade for propaganda purposes.[783]
Consul Nihro declared on September 9, 1941 that the British Consul General had been watching the recent increase of exports to Japan and had called the attention of the Americans to the shortage of fuel. In view of this fact, Consul Nihro believed it to be unwise to ask for a reconsideration of the American refusal to grant permits. Since it appeared that arrangements were being made for the resale of goods previously designed for Japan, and as there was a considerable demand within the Islands for fuel, the Japanese Consul suggested that the matter be abandoned.[784]
271. Lack of Shipping Curtails Japanese Mail to the Philippine Islands
Consul Nihro suggested to Tokyo on September 5, 1941 that the East Asia Bureau have mail routed to the Philippine Islands via Shanghai, since many of the Japanese residents in the Islands were concerned because they had received no mail from home. Since the mail would be transported from Shanghai to the Islands on foreign ships, he advised that the contents be examined before sending mail from Japan.[785]
Foreign Minister Toyoda replied on September 9, 1941 that the Bureau of Communications was giving study to this matter of transportation of mail. Since the French ships sailing between Shanghai and Saigon were routed by way of Hongkong, where they were inspected, this route was not a desirable one for Japan to use. However, if Consul Nihro could discover whether French ships were sailing directly from Shanghai to Manila, he was asked to inform the Foreign Office of this fact. At the present time, the Bureau was considering the use of Japanese ships from Shanghai to Saigon and of French ships from Saigon to Manila.[786]
272. Mr. Nihro Inquires Concerning Japanese-American Negotiations
In view of the lack of funds to carry on the work of the Consul General, Mr. Nihro requested on September 11, 1941 that the Japanese Foreign Office advise him of the present status of Japanese-American negotiations. He had believed that the work could be carried on for perhaps two months with the funds on hand, but since it now appeared that negotiations would continue for a much longer period than was previously anticipated, the Japanese Consul was disturbed about the future. Since he had also learned that the New York branch office of the Tourist Bureau was soon to be closed, he asked that instructions be sent from the Tourist Bureau's home office.[787]
273. Consul Nihro Rules Against Competition Among Japanese Firms
To avoid difficulties which might result from American authorities noticing competitive activities among Japanese firms, Consul Nihro informed the Foreign Office on September 12, 1941 that he had forbidden certain firms to wire Japan. Asking the Foreign Office to form a pool for the firms in order to keep them from competing, he suggested that one company should be appointed to handle all the business of a certain type, as in the case of importing hemp or lumber, and this company alone should send telegrams.
In a recent conference with Mr. Yuirobyii, the Japanese Consul found that lumber exportations would be governed by a general license since this was a non-remittance export. How this system would apply to logs was not certain, and in case the matter was not clarified soon, it was agreed that an inquiry should be wired to the High Commissioner's Office.[788]
[783] III, 533.
[784] III, 534.
[785] III, 535.
[786] III, 536.
[787] III, 537.
[788] III, 538.
[168]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
274. Japan Decides Against Subsidizing Philippine Political Candidates
Although in the Philippine Islands the Japanese had been following the policy of subsidizing political candidates who, if elected, would cooperate with Japanese officials, it had been previously decided (See Volume II—Japanese-American Relations) to investigate the characters of candidates very carefully, as well as to discover their chances for election. On September 4, 1941, Consul Nihro notified Tokyo of the details of a particularly turbulent political race being held in the "Jyu" election district. The Governor, belonging to the opposition party, had suspended the chairman of the "Jyu" faction and as a result President Quezon had suspended the Governor. Consequently, the election district was declared open to free political candidates.
Believing, however, that open support of this pro-Japanese candidate would be dangerous, even if the district were limited to officially recognized candidates, the Japanese Consul asked permission to report the impossibility of raising the necessary funds though Mr. Enoshima in Japan, would somehow try to raise the necessary 5,000 pesos by the time of the election.[789]
On September 13, 1941 Foreign Minister Toyoda advised Consul Nihro that Mr. Enoshima had informed Mr. Kakiage that he was experiencing difficulty in raising funds at the present time, furthermore, there was no way of making remittances. In view of the fact that the candidate did not comply with Japan's wishes and there would be various other candidates whom Japan might wish to assist, no further aid could be extended at this time. The Japanese Consul was directed to make a reply along this line. [790]
275. Consul Nihro Reports Political Strife in the Philippines
Local altercations between members of rival political parties were creating a critical situation, the Japanese Consul at Manila reported on September 16, 1941. A Filipino had attempted to kidnap the secretary of the Ko Mon Kai in retaliation for an attempt by staff members of the local branch of the Nationalist party to murder a member of the Simpoto faction. Since officers of the Toa Simpoto as well as 50 members of the Nationalist party had been placed on the black list, the Simpoto party was attempting to retaliate by force. The Chinese Consul claimed, Mr. Nihro reported, that he was not familiar with the details of the incident.[791]
Foreign Minister Toyoda commented that the problem of the conflict between the Ko Mon Kai Society and the Nationalist Party was of greater importance to Japan than the differences in the negotiations at Manila. He directed the Vice Consul at Saigon, therefore, to get in touch with Manila to aid the Ko Mon Kai Society and to limit the disturbances as soon as possible since the main objective of the negotiations was to get control of the Ko Mon Kai and to allow its members to work out their own ideas.[792]
276. Japanese and Philippine Diplomats Postpone Negotiations
Consul Nihro reported the details of an interview he had with Mr. Rafael R. Alunan, Secretary of the Interior on September 17, 1941.
Accompanied by Mr. Kihara and Mr. Morokumo, Consul Nihro was informed that the status quo in regard to trade between Japan and the Philippine Islands would be maintained until 1946 at which time, because of the newly acquired independence of the Philippines, open negotiations in regard to the land problem could begin. Mr. Kihara had then presented a memorandum regarding the preservation of the status quo, and Secretary Alunan had promised to deliver it to President Quezon on the following day.
[789] III, 539
[790] III, 540.
[791] III, 541.
[792] III, 542
[169]
After meeting with President Quezon on September 18, 1941, Secretary Alunan had left on urgent business for a trip into the country. As a result, though he had telephoned Mr. Morokumo that there was no reason why Mr. Kihara should not return to his post, he had reported very little of his interview with President Quezon. However, President Quezon in his last discussion with Mr. Kihara and Mr. Morokumo, had avoided setting a definite date for future discussions, and since Consul Nihro believed that it was probably better for Japan not to specify a date, mention of 1946 had been purposely avoided.[793]
Following Mr. Alunan's return on September 22, 1941 from his short business trip, Consul Nihro was able to report that President Quezon had confirmed the memorandum presented to Mr. Alunan on September 17, 1941.[794]
Foreign Minister Toyoda pointed out that the mutual agreement between the Japanese and Philippine representatives was nothing more than a verbal promise since no written recognition of the Japanese memorandum had been demanded of the Philippine officials. Not from a lack of faith in Secretary Alunan or President Quezon's word but in view of the important nature of the question, the Japanese Foreign Minister felt that some secret paper outlining the agreement or the secretary's signature on the copy of the memorandum should be obtained despite the delicate relations existing between the Philippine authorities and the High Commissioners. In case the Philippine authorities should violate this understanding and no written agreement had been obtained, Japan would find itself powerless to take any action.[795]
277. Consul Nihro Asks That Lumber and Iron Ore Ships Be Dispatched Immediately
Advising that ships be dispatched immediately, although separately, to the Philippines, the Japanese Consul declared on September 16, 1941 that lumber was not to be included in the recently enlarged list of items affected by the export license system. Since the length of time during which this exemption would be in effect was by no means certain, he pointed out the necessity of sending ships immediately, and of notifying the traders in the Philippines of the names of the ships and the date of their arrival as soon as possible.[796]
According to Consul Nihro on September 22, 1941 logs and lumber were on the list, published on September 20, 1941, of material not covered by the export control order. He further declared that no permits had been granted for hemp exports, although there had been no change in permits which had already been issued.[797]
Consul Nihro also asked that Japanese ships be dispatched immediately in order that the loading of iron ore could be continued. If ships were not sent soon to the Islands, there was danger of discouraging further Japanese efforts. Furthermore, it was necessary that funds resulting from previous exports to the Philippines be utilized since they would only increase the frozen funds.[798]
278. Japan Sends the Hakone Maru to Evacuate Nationals
The Foreign Minister advised the Japanese Consul at Manila on September 26, 1941 that the Hakone Maru would soon call at Manila and Davao. The Foreign Office was to be advised of the number of Japanese withdrawing from that district as well as other details of the evacuation.[799]
[793] III, 543.
[794] III, 544.
[795] III, 545.
[796] III, 546.
[797] III, 547.
[798] III, 548.
[799] III, 549.
[170]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
279. The Foreign Office Arranges the Sale of a Philippine Vessel
Apparently to complete the sale of the Fuyo No. 1, the Foreign Office asked the Japanese Consul at Manila on September 29, 1941 for permission of the owners in the Philippines to dispose of the vessel at approximately ¥29,000. In case the sale were made, two-thirds of the sale price would go to the owners remaining in the Philippines while one-third would be paid to those who brought the ship to Japan. He also inquired if he should send 6,000 pesos of the latter sums to the owners in the Philippines immediately following the sale.[800]
280. Japan Arrests Philippine Profiteers
In answer to a dispatch, Foreign Minister Toyoda in Japan sent the names of individuals who had been punished for violation of the Exchange Control Act. Among those who had been charged with collecting dollars in Japan to sell for yen in Shanghai were Raphael Aquino, who was a nephew of the former Director Aquino in Manila, Juan Aquino, and Riserio Kasutoro.[801]
According to the Japanese Foreign Office, Raphael Aquino had requested on October 3, 1941 that his father, Ganzalo Aquino send him Y3,000 with which to pay his fine. Since no remittance had been received, as of October 10, 1941, Consul Nihro was requested to talk with the elder Aquino to find out his character and to have the father advise his son to return home.[802]
281. The Foreign Office Directs that Machine Code Be Used Only for Official Messages
The day before the new code system was to go into effect, the Japanese Foreign Office informed Manila on October 13, 1941 that the system was to be used entirely for secret messages and not for personal ones.[803]
[800] III, 550.
[801] III, 551.
[802] III, 552.
[803] III, 553.
[171]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
PART C—JAPANESE DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITIES THROUGHOUT THE WORLD
(d) Japanese-Mexican Relations
282. Japanese Agent Suggests Liquidating Petroleum Company
In view of the strained commercial relations existing between Japan and Mexico, Mr. Okumura, a representative of the Japanese Pacific Petroleum Company in Mexico, advised his Tokyo office that since difficulty was being encountered in obtaining manufacturing permits, Japanese officials and machinery of the company should be evacuated. At the same time he submitted to the company president, Mr. Kubota, an estimate of the company funds on hand in Mexico as of August 6, 1941.[804]
283. Japanese Commercial Representative Leaves Honduras
After Minister Yoshiaki Miura had been consulted by officials in Tokyo in regard to the evacuation of Mr. Megurigami, a Japanese commercial agent in Honduras, he inquired on August 8, 1941 whether the Foreign Office had been consulted. Mr. Megurigami had asked permission to return home since the freezing regulations had badly affected Japanese-Honduras trade. Although his return had already been authorized by his home office, his superiors had asked for the opinion of Minister Miura.[805]
On August 14, 1941 Minister Miura was advised by the Foreign Office that the Japanese company, after consulting with the Foreign Office, had made arrangements for the official's return to Tokyo.[806]
284. Minister Miura Encounters Difficulties in Financial Transactions
Still experiencing difficulty in collecting exchange certificates, the Japanese Minister in Mexico inquired of the Foreign Office on August 8, 1941 concerning the best method of securing permits from the American authorities for commercial transactions. He advised that his funds on hand were diminishing, and asked that instructions be sent to him immediately.[807]
285. Minister Miura Suggests Waiting Policy in Resisting Trade Restrictions
The Japanese Minister reported to Foreign Minister Toyoda on August 11, 1941 concerning the restrictions placed on exports in Mexico. The Mexican government, he said, would hardly dare ease up on trade restrictions which had been dictated by the United States, especially since the enforcement of the Presidential order was being carefully watched at the present time.
Although previous secret efforts made by the various Japanese commercial firms to exchange Japanese rayon for Mexican mercury had ended in failure, Mexican companies were now beginning to work openly to obtain permission for this exchange. Consequently, newspaper articles relating to the subject were appearing almost daily in Mexican newspapers. Furthermore, the rayon textile dealers planned to send manufacturing representatives directly to the Mexican President, at the same time sending telegrams to senators.
Pointing out that the Japanese could instigate a propaganda campaign, Minister Miura, however, advised against this since the scheme might react upon Japan.
[804] III, 554.
[805] III, 555.
[806] III, 556.
[807] III, 557.
[173]
Since it was necessary that the situation be thoroughly understood before taking part in it, a policy of waiting was advised by Minister Miura. According to him, the present pertinent question appeared to be: When will the United States sacrifice civilian or even military necessities in order to supply Mexico's needs? Although the United States had, he said, formerly promised to give this matter consideration, no expression of its intentions had yet been seen. When at last it became apparent that the United States did not intend to supply Mexico with rayon, and the existing stock in Mexico had been completely exhausted, the Japanese Minister felt that the reaction in Mexico would ultimately favor trade with Japan.[808]
On August 11, 1941 the Japanese Minister further reported that he had learned a great deal concerning the existing situation in his talk with a Mexican official on August 2, 1941. Although the plans for "barter" of rayon and mercury had begun to show hopeful developments, America's announcement of its intentions had caused them to be abandoned. Since, in the opinion of the Mexican official, it would be absolutely impossible for America to furnish rayon to Mexico, it would be opportune, following the meeting of the assembly on September 1, 1941, to get in touch with influential senators for the purpose of bringing about a change.
To win the support of Mexican people, the Mexican official advised that the Japanese Minister secure export permits for the shipments which had been contracted for before the issuance of the Presidential order. Several days later Senor Enrique Osornia, a Mexican senator, made a similar suggestion. Although Japan formerly had decided to withhold all shipments of rayon to Mexico, the Japanese Minister replied that the 3,000 boxes on the Heiyo Maru would suffice in the way of a friendly "gesture" by Japan, although an increase in the stock of rayon in Mexico at this time might possibly have adverse results. Furthermore, unless this gesture aided in the solution of the whole problem it would be difficult to change the attitude of the Japanese government.[809]
286. Minister Miura Postpones Rayon Prince Cutting Scheme
In answer to Foreign Minister Toyoda's suggestion that Japan counter American plans by furnishing Japanese rayon to Mexico at half price, Minister Miura advised on August 12, 1941 that the lowering of price could be used as a forceful tool in future trade treaties, but that Japan's wiser course would be to await a better opportunity.[810] He reiterated that no question of price or barter existed at the moment, but that Japan's problem was to overcome Mexican trade restrictions.[811]
Dr. Kiso Tsuru, a well known leader in Japanese oil, mining, construction, and other enterprises in Mexico, reporting on August 5, 1941 indicated the attitude of the Mexican President and Economic Minister as revealed by a person close to the President. This confirmed the advice of the Japanese Minister that any action by Japan at this time would be futile.[812]
287. Minister Miura Opposes Mr. Tsuru's Silk Control Plan
As to the possibility of future trade between Mexico and Japan, Mr. Miura disapproved of a plan concerning artificial silk which had been evolved by Mr. Tsuru. In view of the fact that artificial silk was the only instrument which might guarantee to Japan the acquisition of Mexican materials, Minister Miura advised Tokyo on August 12, 1941 that he opposed any breakdown of the present control as suggested by Dr. Tsuru.[813]
[808] III, 558.
[809] III, 559.
[810] III, 560.
[811] III, 561.
[812] Ibid.
[813] III, 562.
[174]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
288. Tokyo Directs the Pacific Petroleum Company to Close Its Office
In answer to a request from his home office in Tokyo, Mr. Okumura informed officials of the Pacific Petroleum Company on August 12, 1941 that it would be impossible to evacuate machinery and company personnel for some time to come since no Japanese ships were being assigned to that route.[814]
Mr. Okumura was advised via Foreign Office dispatches that the decision of the three Japanese officials in Mexico in regard to closing the Mexican Office had been confirmed. The company official was to carry out certain instructions in shipping company personnel and machinery out of Mexico, and was to comply with stated priorities.[815]
289. Minister Miura Is Directed to Ship Machinery on the Azuma Maru
On August 15, 1941 Minister Miura learned that the Azuma Maru would leave Yokohama on September 5, 1941 and arrive in Manzanillo on September 24, 1941. In order to comply with a request from the Chief of the Japanese Fuel Bureau, Minister Miura was to have ready for loading at Manzanillo a drilling machine, a tractor, a caterpillar, and powder for a gun perforator. Several parts to be used in a Diesel engine were to be purchased and loaded on the Azuma Maru,[816] as well as the machinery which was being sent to Japan by the Pacific Petroleum Company. The Japanese Foreign Minister added that, although other countries considered the Azuma Maru as an ordinary commercial vessel, the Japanese government considered the ship to be in official use.[817]
290. Dr. Tsuru Plans to Aid the Pacific Petroleum Company
Minister Miura advised Foreign Minister Toyoda on August 21, 1941 that his instructions regarding the evacuation of company officials and machinery had been received.[818]
When Dr. Tsuru was informed of the purport, he submitted a counter proposal by which the Pacific Company's main office would continue its actual prospecting on the principle of "Live and let live", with drilling being carried on as soon as drilling permits could be obtained. The Mexican firms would carry the expenses of operations and maintenance, and in the event of a crisis the Pacific Petroleum Company would retain the funds on hand.[819]
After this counter proposal had been made, however, the Foreign Minister's dispatch of August 21, 1941, concerning the schedule of the Azuma Maru, had been received, and the Mexican firms returned to their original plan. They agreed to carry the expenses of the company's maintenance and to protect Pacific Company funds from confiscation. Since the machinery was to be sent to Japan, the operations of the company would be limited, but for the time being, according to Mr. Tsuru's plan, the Pacific Company was to continue prospecting with the Mexican companies attempting to secure operating permits and to collect guarantee funds for the purchase of petroleum.[820]
On August 30, 1941 the Japanese Foreign Office informed Minister Miura that there was no room for reconsideration of any counter proposal made by Dr. Tsuru or the Mexican firms. As far as the Foreign Office was concerned, the Pacific Petroleum Company had temporarily stopped operations.[821]
[814] III, 563.
[815] III, 564-656.
[816] III, 566.
[817] III, 567.
[818] III, 568.
[819] III, 569.
[820] III, 570-571.
[821] III, 572.
[175]
291. Minister Miura Advises Against Sending the Azuma Maru to Manzanillo
On August 22, 1941 the Japanese Minister in Mexico advised that the Azuma Maru was scheduled to stop at Manzanillo on September 13, 1941. Since the ship had left this port on July 17, 1941 after the imposition of the Mexican embargo, he advised against its returning to Mexico. An unfortunate situation would be created if a dispute should arise because of the Mexican government's forbidding, on some pretext, the unloading or sailing of the ship.[822]
292. The Pacific Petroleum Company Summarizes Its Assets
On September 1, 1941 officials of the Pacific Petroleum Company sent to Tokyo through diplomatic channels a statement of their funds in Mexico. The greater portion of their capital, over a million pesos,[823] had been deposited with the Mexican Legation, 1,000 piastras had been deposited in the bank, and a considerable sum was being held by the Japanese consulate. Total assets in August, 1941 amounted to 1,201,639.76 pesos and $5,072 American dollars.[824]
293. Japanese Legation Uses Secret Funds
Prospective difficulties in making payment to the Legation staff and other Japanese officials in Mexico caused Minister Miura to ask in July, 1941 that the Foreign Office work out some method of remitting funds. (See Volume II, #423). Foreign Minister Toyoda replied on September 2, 1941 that although there would be a delay in the remittance of salaries, the Foreign Office was studying methods of making remittances in spite of the freezing order of the United States. Until such payment became possible, the Japanese Minister was instructed to make use of the secret fund or other funds kept at the Legation.[825]
294. Minister Miura Rejects Foreign Office's Secret Barter Scheme
On September 3, 1941 eleven days after Minister Miura had advised the Japanese government to order the Azuma Maru not to touch port at Manzanillo,[826] he expressed his indignation to the Foreign Office concerning the Japanese Navy's scheme of disguising the exchanging of artificial silk for Mexican mercury as a commercial deal undertaken by civilian business firms without the cognizance of either government. In view of Japan's strict control of rayon exports, the adoption of such a plan was merely, he said, to harbor a hallucination born of ignorance. If such a scheme were worth taking a chance on the danger involved, it should be done in such a way that the Japanese government could say that it knew nothing of it, thereby avoiding any responsibility. The Japanese navy had stated, however, that any results arising from future dealings would have to be handled by Foreign Office officials. One mistake in such a plan might well give rise to international complications which would seriously affect the prestige of the Empire, Minister Miura declared, and for this reason the Foreign Office should not carry out cooperation with the military authorities to such an extent that it would accept the unwise plan.[827]
295. Minister Miura Threatens to Resign
Continuing his remarks on the Japanese Navy's scheme to acquire mercury, the Japanese Minister protested against having to take action upon a situation which had been explained only to his Naval Attache. Furthermore, Minister Miura could not understand why no previous inquiry had been made concerning actual conditions in Mexico, or why no information had been given to him as the Minister responsible for the actions of his government in Mexico.
[822] III, 573.
[823] A peso was worth 20.5 cents in American money at this time.
[824] III, 574.
[825] III, 575.
[826] III, 573.
[827] III, 576.
[176]
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Requesting an explanation from the Foreign Minister in this regard, he declared that if, in the face of his sincere counsel, the original plans were insisted upon and carried out, he would resign and request that he be ordered home immediately.[828]
296. Minister Miura Withdraws Request for Additional Staff Members
Despite his previous request for the establishment of a Japanese consulate at Manzanillo, the Japanese Minister now explained to Tokyo on September 5, 1941 that it was unwise to send additional officials at this time when Mexico was keeping Japanese affairs under close observation. Since making necessary arrangements for the arrival of the Japanese officials might arouse the suspicion of the Mexican government, which was carefully scrutinizing all Japanese movements, he advised that any action on this matter be postponed pending a more favorable opportunity.[829]
297. Japan Lifts Ban on Silk Exports to Mexico
On September 6, 1941 Japan informed the Japanese Minister in Mexico that the ban on exports of artificial silk was being lifted, and that Mexico would be guaranteed a minimum supply of 10,000 boxes of artificial silk for the next six months. In exchange Mexico was allowing accommodations for Japanese ships at the ports of Manzanillo, Acapulco, and Salina Cruz, and providing the ships with 30,000 tons of fuel oil during the next six months. Continuation of this agreement would be discussed at the end of six months.[830]
In explaining this decision Foreign Minister Toyoda informed Minister Miura that General Jose Luis Amezcua, the Mexican Minister in Tokyo, had called on the Chief of the Japanese Trade Bureau to propose that Japan ship rayon in Japanese ships as far as Manzanillo, with Mexico supplying, by way of exchange, fuel oil for the ships. Since Japan was controlling trade to counter Mexico's anti-Japanese position, the export of Japanese rayon silk to Mexico was forbidden. However, in spite of this fact, Japan desired to discuss the Mexican Minister's plan, since it needed oil for its ships assigned to Central and South America, and since such negotiations would contribute toward the lessening of Mexico's pressure against Japan. After Japan made its proposal the Mexican Minister sought instructions from home. He declared that because of Mexico's relations with the United States it would be best to agree on this matter before any transfers of materials were made.[831]
Minister Miura then advised Tokyo that it was in the interests of Japan that any rayon shipments from Japan should be made after the signing of the pending agreement.[832]
298. Japan Objects to Mexican Parcel Post Restrictions
An unforeseen development in Japanese-Mexican relations occurred when the Japanese Foreign Minister learned on September 9, 1941 that diplomatic parcel post would be opened in the presence of customs officials whenever the Mexican government deemed it necessary. Mexico had explained, however, that such action was not intended to be a means of applying pressure on Axis nations.[833]
The Japanese Foreign Office replied on September 13, 1941 that such action was considered objectionable from the standpoint of its international relations.[834]
[828] Ibid.
[829] III, 577.
[830] III, 578.
[831] III, 579.
[832] III, 580.
[833] III, 581.
[834] III, 582.
[177]
299. The Japanese Foreign Office Instructs Minister Miura to Aid German Nationals
Without previous reference to the subject on September 10, 1941 Foreign Minister Toyoda gave Minister Miura the names of five German citizens with the explanation that there were no objections to granting them visas to enter Japan. The Germans, the Foreign Minister said, wished to leave Manzanillo September 16, 1941 on the Heiyo Maru.[835]
Minister Miura notified Tokyo on September 13, 1941 that on the previous day he has been asked to cooperate with Mexico in securing passage to Japan for five Germans whom Mexico wished to deport but whose names it would not divulge.
Since it would be necessary to ensure against propaganda being made of the fact that Japan had assisted in the banishment of these persons, the Japanese Minister had replied that he must first ask instructions from his government, and that it would be necessary to be advised of the names of the persons to be deported as well as the reasons therefor. Although Mexican officials had agreed to give Japan this information in strict confidence, on the morning of September 13, 1941 there had been no further word from the Mexican Foreign Office.
Since the Heiyo Maru was scheduled to sail from Manzanillo on September 16, 1941 Minister Miura asked the Foreign Office for immediate instructions. Minister Miura had secretly conferred with members of the German Legation in Mexico, and had been informed that they were at a loss to know the meaning of this action unless it referred to the five persons mentioned previously by Tokyo.[836]
300. Japanese Officials Prepare for Arrival from Tokyo
On September 10, 1941 Tokyo requested the Japanese Legation to assist Couriers Harada Masayuki and Morino Maysayoshi, who would enter Mexico toward the end of September at Manzanillo on the Terukawa Maru. All assistance was to be given them in their passage through Mexico to Washington.[837]
From the Japanese Embassy in Washington on September 15, 1941 came the request that the schedule of Couriers Harada and Morino be forwarded as soon as they had arrived in Mexico.[838] Japanese officials in Mexico were also asked to assist in making reservations for Minister Wakasugi, who sailing from Yokohama, would arrive on the Terukawa Maru at Manzanillo about October 4, 1941 and would proceed to Washington by plane.[839]
301. Azuma Maru Leaves Japan on September 14, 1941
In accordance with Minister Miura's request that he be informed of developments in regard to the "barter" of rayon for bunker oil, the Japanese Foreign Office indicated on September 13, 1941 that the Azuma Maru would leave Japan on September 14, 1941. Since the rayon had already been loaded, and it would have been difficult to unload it again, it had been shipped with its disposal at Manzanillo left to the judgment of Minister Miura. However, if the barter arrangements had not been effected by the time the Azuma Maru reached the Mexican port, the Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Japanese Minister was given permission to send the vessel back to Japan.[840]
302. Special Japanese Naval Liaison Officer is Selected
The name of Mr. Shoichi Kaihara, a Japanese Legation staff member, was sent to Tokyo for approval on September 18, 1941. The official had been selected to act as a special liaison man for the Japanese navy, Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire and in that capacity would make an official trip to Colombia.[841]
[835] III, 583.
[836] III, 584.
[837] III, 585.
[838] III, 586.
[839] III, 587.
[840] III, 588.
[841] III, 589.
Wednesday, May 20, 2009
University of Chicago 6.back.01 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
We all order in the same way, no matter what language we speak. That neat trick occurs in the course of daily affairs, not in an Esperanto-only restaurant. People nonverbally represent all kinds of events in a consistent order that corresponds to subject-object-verb, even if they speak a language such as English that uses a different ordering scheme, a new study finds.
The findings challenge the more than 60-year-old idea that a person’s native language orchestrates the way he or she thinks about the world. Instead, a universal, nonverbal preference for ordering events in a particular way exists apart from language, propose psychologist Susan Goldin-Meadow of the University of Chicago and her colleagues.
“This order is found in the earliest stages of newly evolving sign languages and may reflect a natural disposition that humans exploit when creating language anew,” Goldin-Meadow says.
Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire The new study makes a good case for a common, unspoken approach to representing sequences of events, remarks psychologist Larissa Samuelson of the University of Iowa in Iowa City. But it’s unclear whether this natural sequencing format results from hardwired brain features or emerges early in life as the brain develops, Samuelson notes.
She suspects that a shared attribute of still-unfolding brains in children at least partly shapes language structure. “An important step is to see whether young children show the same natural sequence for event representations that adults do,” Samuelson says.
Goldin-Meadow’s team studied 20 Turkish speakers in Istanbul, 20 Mandarin Chinese speakers in Beijing, 20 English speakers in Chicago and 20 Spanish speakers in Madrid. Participants came from universities in each city.
In one task, half the speakers of each language described 36 brief vignettes shown on a computer screen, first in words and then using only hand gestures. Vignettes included a girl waving to an unseen person, a duck walking to a wheelbarrow, a woman twisting a knob and a girl giving a flower to a man.
Verbal descriptions followed language-specific word sequencing, the researchers report in the July 8 Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. English, Spanish and Chinese speakers used a subject-verb-object sequence, such as saying “the woman twists the knob.” Turkish speakers used a subject-object-verb sequence, saying the equivalent of “the woman the knob twists.”
Most languages worldwide employ one or the other of these ordering formats, although exceptions exist, Goldin-Meadow notes.
Yet all participants, regardless of language, produced gestures first for an actor, then for an object and finally for an action in portraying vignettes. After watching a woman twisting a knob, all volunteers nonverbally communicated a sequence of events corresponding to “woman knob twists.”
In another task, the remaining half of the speakers of each language reconstructed the same 36 vignettes by stacking sets of three transparent pictures one at a time onto a peg to form a single image. The final image looked the same regardless of the order in which transparencies were stacked, such as a woman on the left, a knob on the right and a circular-shaped arrow in the middle denoting a twisting motion.
Speakers of all languages almost always stacked images in the same order. Participants typically chose the drawing of a woman first, followed by the drawing of a knob and finally the drawing of a circular arrow, again reflecting a subject-object-verb preference.
Intriguingly, a subject-object-verb arrangement also characterizes a sign language that arose over the past 70 years in an isolated Bedouin community in Israel. As a result of a genetic condition, that community has a high incidence of deafness that develops in early childhood.
Goldin-Meadow has found deaf children elsewhere in the world who have never heard anyone talk have developed sign languages that follow a consistent object-verb order, though the placement of subject remains unclear. She plans to investigate whether these deaf youngsters display a preference for subject-object-verb sequences. She also wants to examine how these children order transparencies to describe events that they’ve seen.
In the meantime, the University of Chicago researcher suggests that it’s easier to think about distinct entities, as opposed to actions. This leads people to highlight those involved in an action before focusing on the nature of the action. Given a particularly close association between objects and actions, action sequences are at least initially represented as subject-object-verb, in her view.
As a language community grows and its speech becomes more complex, the subject-object-verb format sometimes changes for still unclear reasons, Goldin-Meadow speculates.
The findings challenge the more than 60-year-old idea that a person’s native language orchestrates the way he or she thinks about the world. Instead, a universal, nonverbal preference for ordering events in a particular way exists apart from language, propose psychologist Susan Goldin-Meadow of the University of Chicago and her colleagues.
“This order is found in the earliest stages of newly evolving sign languages and may reflect a natural disposition that humans exploit when creating language anew,” Goldin-Meadow says.
Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire The new study makes a good case for a common, unspoken approach to representing sequences of events, remarks psychologist Larissa Samuelson of the University of Iowa in Iowa City. But it’s unclear whether this natural sequencing format results from hardwired brain features or emerges early in life as the brain develops, Samuelson notes.
She suspects that a shared attribute of still-unfolding brains in children at least partly shapes language structure. “An important step is to see whether young children show the same natural sequence for event representations that adults do,” Samuelson says.
Goldin-Meadow’s team studied 20 Turkish speakers in Istanbul, 20 Mandarin Chinese speakers in Beijing, 20 English speakers in Chicago and 20 Spanish speakers in Madrid. Participants came from universities in each city.
In one task, half the speakers of each language described 36 brief vignettes shown on a computer screen, first in words and then using only hand gestures. Vignettes included a girl waving to an unseen person, a duck walking to a wheelbarrow, a woman twisting a knob and a girl giving a flower to a man.
Verbal descriptions followed language-specific word sequencing, the researchers report in the July 8 Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. English, Spanish and Chinese speakers used a subject-verb-object sequence, such as saying “the woman twists the knob.” Turkish speakers used a subject-object-verb sequence, saying the equivalent of “the woman the knob twists.”
Most languages worldwide employ one or the other of these ordering formats, although exceptions exist, Goldin-Meadow notes.
Yet all participants, regardless of language, produced gestures first for an actor, then for an object and finally for an action in portraying vignettes. After watching a woman twisting a knob, all volunteers nonverbally communicated a sequence of events corresponding to “woman knob twists.”
In another task, the remaining half of the speakers of each language reconstructed the same 36 vignettes by stacking sets of three transparent pictures one at a time onto a peg to form a single image. The final image looked the same regardless of the order in which transparencies were stacked, such as a woman on the left, a knob on the right and a circular-shaped arrow in the middle denoting a twisting motion.
Speakers of all languages almost always stacked images in the same order. Participants typically chose the drawing of a woman first, followed by the drawing of a knob and finally the drawing of a circular arrow, again reflecting a subject-object-verb preference.
Intriguingly, a subject-object-verb arrangement also characterizes a sign language that arose over the past 70 years in an isolated Bedouin community in Israel. As a result of a genetic condition, that community has a high incidence of deafness that develops in early childhood.
Goldin-Meadow has found deaf children elsewhere in the world who have never heard anyone talk have developed sign languages that follow a consistent object-verb order, though the placement of subject remains unclear. She plans to investigate whether these deaf youngsters display a preference for subject-object-verb sequences. She also wants to examine how these children order transparencies to describe events that they’ve seen.
In the meantime, the University of Chicago researcher suggests that it’s easier to think about distinct entities, as opposed to actions. This leads people to highlight those involved in an action before focusing on the nature of the action. Given a particularly close association between objects and actions, action sequences are at least initially represented as subject-object-verb, in her view.
As a language community grows and its speech becomes more complex, the subject-object-verb format sometimes changes for still unclear reasons, Goldin-Meadow speculates.
Tuesday, May 5, 2009
groups 3.gro.0003 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
For decades doctors have warned people at risk of developing the painful intestinal condition known as diverticulitis to avoid eating corn, popcorn, nuts and various seeds. But a recent study suggests that these rough foods need not be avoided.
In the Aug. 27 Journal of the American Medical Association, researchers report that men eating these foods regularly are no more likely to develop diverticulitis than men who seldom ate such roughage.
Diverticula are pockets that bubble out from the lining of the colon in about one-third of people over age 60 and in more than two-thirds of those over 85. They are typically painless and go unnoticed unless detected by colonoscopy. But up to 25 percent of these people develop diverticulitis, when the pockets become inflamed and cause sharp pain, cramping, nausea, vomiting and other woes.
People with diverticulitis and those with quiescent diverticula are routinely counseled to get plenty of fiber in their diets. But while nuts, corn, popcorn and seeds are especially fibrous, they are also poorly digested. Many physicians have long assumed that these foods could contribute to the development of diverticulitis by collecting in the pockets and abrading the intestinal walls. In a 1999 survey of doctors, nearly half said people with diverticula and diverticulitis should avoid these foods, says study coauthor Lisa Strate, a gastroenterologist at the University of Washington and Harborview Medical Center in Seattle. Strate did much of the research while at Harvard Medical School and Brigham and Women’s Hospital in Boston.
In the new study, Strate and her colleagues analyzed health data from more than 50,000 men who had filled out questionnaires on their health every two years starting in 1986. None had diverticulitis at the start, but 801 developed it during the 18-year study period. The data showed that men who ate corn, popcorn or nuts at least twice a week were no more likely to develop diverticulitis or intestinal bleeding than men who ate these foods only once a month or less.
The researchers accounted for differences between the groups, such as other dietary differences, age, physical activity, smoking, weight and the use of anti-inflammatory drugs.
While a single study is rarely enough to change clinical practice, these findings raise doubts about avoiding nuts, corn and popcorn, says Strate. “They give evidence to clinicians to reconsider that recommendation” when counseling people who have diverticulitis or even innocuous diverticula, says Strate. http://Louis1J1Sheehan.us
“It was dogma that small seeds and roughage could cause diverticulitis, that they would get into diverticula and plug them,” says gastroenterologist Martin Floch of Yale University. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire "This paper is terrific [because] it helps to get that out of the common dogma.”
While the precise cause of diverticula formation remains unclear, Floch says, fiber certainly helps to prevent it. "Everybody should be on a high-fiber diet," he says.
In the Aug. 27 Journal of the American Medical Association, researchers report that men eating these foods regularly are no more likely to develop diverticulitis than men who seldom ate such roughage.
Diverticula are pockets that bubble out from the lining of the colon in about one-third of people over age 60 and in more than two-thirds of those over 85. They are typically painless and go unnoticed unless detected by colonoscopy. But up to 25 percent of these people develop diverticulitis, when the pockets become inflamed and cause sharp pain, cramping, nausea, vomiting and other woes.
People with diverticulitis and those with quiescent diverticula are routinely counseled to get plenty of fiber in their diets. But while nuts, corn, popcorn and seeds are especially fibrous, they are also poorly digested. Many physicians have long assumed that these foods could contribute to the development of diverticulitis by collecting in the pockets and abrading the intestinal walls. In a 1999 survey of doctors, nearly half said people with diverticula and diverticulitis should avoid these foods, says study coauthor Lisa Strate, a gastroenterologist at the University of Washington and Harborview Medical Center in Seattle. Strate did much of the research while at Harvard Medical School and Brigham and Women’s Hospital in Boston.
In the new study, Strate and her colleagues analyzed health data from more than 50,000 men who had filled out questionnaires on their health every two years starting in 1986. None had diverticulitis at the start, but 801 developed it during the 18-year study period. The data showed that men who ate corn, popcorn or nuts at least twice a week were no more likely to develop diverticulitis or intestinal bleeding than men who ate these foods only once a month or less.
The researchers accounted for differences between the groups, such as other dietary differences, age, physical activity, smoking, weight and the use of anti-inflammatory drugs.
While a single study is rarely enough to change clinical practice, these findings raise doubts about avoiding nuts, corn and popcorn, says Strate. “They give evidence to clinicians to reconsider that recommendation” when counseling people who have diverticulitis or even innocuous diverticula, says Strate. http://Louis1J1Sheehan.us
“It was dogma that small seeds and roughage could cause diverticulitis, that they would get into diverticula and plug them,” says gastroenterologist Martin Floch of Yale University. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire "This paper is terrific [because] it helps to get that out of the common dogma.”
While the precise cause of diverticula formation remains unclear, Floch says, fiber certainly helps to prevent it. "Everybody should be on a high-fiber diet," he says.
groups 3.gro.0003 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
For decades doctors have warned people at risk of developing the painful intestinal condition known as diverticulitis to avoid eating corn, popcorn, nuts and various seeds. But a recent study suggests that these rough foods need not be avoided.
In the Aug. 27 Journal of the American Medical Association, researchers report that men eating these foods regularly are no more likely to develop diverticulitis than men who seldom ate such roughage.
Diverticula are pockets that bubble out from the lining of the colon in about one-third of people over age 60 and in more than two-thirds of those over 85. They are typically painless and go unnoticed unless detected by colonoscopy. But up to 25 percent of these people develop diverticulitis, when the pockets become inflamed and cause sharp pain, cramping, nausea, vomiting and other woes.
People with diverticulitis and those with quiescent diverticula are routinely counseled to get plenty of fiber in their diets. But while nuts, corn, popcorn and seeds are especially fibrous, they are also poorly digested. Many physicians have long assumed that these foods could contribute to the development of diverticulitis by collecting in the pockets and abrading the intestinal walls. In a 1999 survey of doctors, nearly half said people with diverticula and diverticulitis should avoid these foods, says study coauthor Lisa Strate, a gastroenterologist at the University of Washington and Harborview Medical Center in Seattle. Strate did much of the research while at Harvard Medical School and Brigham and Women’s Hospital in Boston.
In the new study, Strate and her colleagues analyzed health data from more than 50,000 men who had filled out questionnaires on their health every two years starting in 1986. None had diverticulitis at the start, but 801 developed it during the 18-year study period. The data showed that men who ate corn, popcorn or nuts at least twice a week were no more likely to develop diverticulitis or intestinal bleeding than men who ate these foods only once a month or less.
The researchers accounted for differences between the groups, such as other dietary differences, age, physical activity, smoking, weight and the use of anti-inflammatory drugs.
While a single study is rarely enough to change clinical practice, these findings raise doubts about avoiding nuts, corn and popcorn, says Strate. “They give evidence to clinicians to reconsider that recommendation” when counseling people who have diverticulitis or even innocuous diverticula, says Strate. http://Louis1J1Sheehan.us
“It was dogma that small seeds and roughage could cause diverticulitis, that they would get into diverticula and plug them,” says gastroenterologist Martin Floch of Yale University. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire "This paper is terrific [because] it helps to get that out of the common dogma.”
While the precise cause of diverticula formation remains unclear, Floch says, fiber certainly helps to prevent it. "Everybody should be on a high-fiber diet," he says.
In the Aug. 27 Journal of the American Medical Association, researchers report that men eating these foods regularly are no more likely to develop diverticulitis than men who seldom ate such roughage.
Diverticula are pockets that bubble out from the lining of the colon in about one-third of people over age 60 and in more than two-thirds of those over 85. They are typically painless and go unnoticed unless detected by colonoscopy. But up to 25 percent of these people develop diverticulitis, when the pockets become inflamed and cause sharp pain, cramping, nausea, vomiting and other woes.
People with diverticulitis and those with quiescent diverticula are routinely counseled to get plenty of fiber in their diets. But while nuts, corn, popcorn and seeds are especially fibrous, they are also poorly digested. Many physicians have long assumed that these foods could contribute to the development of diverticulitis by collecting in the pockets and abrading the intestinal walls. In a 1999 survey of doctors, nearly half said people with diverticula and diverticulitis should avoid these foods, says study coauthor Lisa Strate, a gastroenterologist at the University of Washington and Harborview Medical Center in Seattle. Strate did much of the research while at Harvard Medical School and Brigham and Women’s Hospital in Boston.
In the new study, Strate and her colleagues analyzed health data from more than 50,000 men who had filled out questionnaires on their health every two years starting in 1986. None had diverticulitis at the start, but 801 developed it during the 18-year study period. The data showed that men who ate corn, popcorn or nuts at least twice a week were no more likely to develop diverticulitis or intestinal bleeding than men who ate these foods only once a month or less.
The researchers accounted for differences between the groups, such as other dietary differences, age, physical activity, smoking, weight and the use of anti-inflammatory drugs.
While a single study is rarely enough to change clinical practice, these findings raise doubts about avoiding nuts, corn and popcorn, says Strate. “They give evidence to clinicians to reconsider that recommendation” when counseling people who have diverticulitis or even innocuous diverticula, says Strate. http://Louis1J1Sheehan.us
“It was dogma that small seeds and roughage could cause diverticulitis, that they would get into diverticula and plug them,” says gastroenterologist Martin Floch of Yale University. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire "This paper is terrific [because] it helps to get that out of the common dogma.”
While the precise cause of diverticula formation remains unclear, Floch says, fiber certainly helps to prevent it. "Everybody should be on a high-fiber diet," he says.
groups 3.gro.0003 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
For decades doctors have warned people at risk of developing the painful intestinal condition known as diverticulitis to avoid eating corn, popcorn, nuts and various seeds. But a recent study suggests that these rough foods need not be avoided.
In the Aug. 27 Journal of the American Medical Association, researchers report that men eating these foods regularly are no more likely to develop diverticulitis than men who seldom ate such roughage.
Diverticula are pockets that bubble out from the lining of the colon in about one-third of people over age 60 and in more than two-thirds of those over 85. They are typically painless and go unnoticed unless detected by colonoscopy. But up to 25 percent of these people develop diverticulitis, when the pockets become inflamed and cause sharp pain, cramping, nausea, vomiting and other woes.
People with diverticulitis and those with quiescent diverticula are routinely counseled to get plenty of fiber in their diets. But while nuts, corn, popcorn and seeds are especially fibrous, they are also poorly digested. Many physicians have long assumed that these foods could contribute to the development of diverticulitis by collecting in the pockets and abrading the intestinal walls. In a 1999 survey of doctors, nearly half said people with diverticula and diverticulitis should avoid these foods, says study coauthor Lisa Strate, a gastroenterologist at the University of Washington and Harborview Medical Center in Seattle. Strate did much of the research while at Harvard Medical School and Brigham and Women’s Hospital in Boston.
In the new study, Strate and her colleagues analyzed health data from more than 50,000 men who had filled out questionnaires on their health every two years starting in 1986. None had diverticulitis at the start, but 801 developed it during the 18-year study period. The data showed that men who ate corn, popcorn or nuts at least twice a week were no more likely to develop diverticulitis or intestinal bleeding than men who ate these foods only once a month or less.
The researchers accounted for differences between the groups, such as other dietary differences, age, physical activity, smoking, weight and the use of anti-inflammatory drugs.
While a single study is rarely enough to change clinical practice, these findings raise doubts about avoiding nuts, corn and popcorn, says Strate. “They give evidence to clinicians to reconsider that recommendation” when counseling people who have diverticulitis or even innocuous diverticula, says Strate. http://Louis1J1Sheehan.us
“It was dogma that small seeds and roughage could cause diverticulitis, that they would get into diverticula and plug them,” says gastroenterologist Martin Floch of Yale University. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire "This paper is terrific [because] it helps to get that out of the common dogma.”
While the precise cause of diverticula formation remains unclear, Floch says, fiber certainly helps to prevent it. "Everybody should be on a high-fiber diet," he says.
In the Aug. 27 Journal of the American Medical Association, researchers report that men eating these foods regularly are no more likely to develop diverticulitis than men who seldom ate such roughage.
Diverticula are pockets that bubble out from the lining of the colon in about one-third of people over age 60 and in more than two-thirds of those over 85. They are typically painless and go unnoticed unless detected by colonoscopy. But up to 25 percent of these people develop diverticulitis, when the pockets become inflamed and cause sharp pain, cramping, nausea, vomiting and other woes.
People with diverticulitis and those with quiescent diverticula are routinely counseled to get plenty of fiber in their diets. But while nuts, corn, popcorn and seeds are especially fibrous, they are also poorly digested. Many physicians have long assumed that these foods could contribute to the development of diverticulitis by collecting in the pockets and abrading the intestinal walls. In a 1999 survey of doctors, nearly half said people with diverticula and diverticulitis should avoid these foods, says study coauthor Lisa Strate, a gastroenterologist at the University of Washington and Harborview Medical Center in Seattle. Strate did much of the research while at Harvard Medical School and Brigham and Women’s Hospital in Boston.
In the new study, Strate and her colleagues analyzed health data from more than 50,000 men who had filled out questionnaires on their health every two years starting in 1986. None had diverticulitis at the start, but 801 developed it during the 18-year study period. The data showed that men who ate corn, popcorn or nuts at least twice a week were no more likely to develop diverticulitis or intestinal bleeding than men who ate these foods only once a month or less.
The researchers accounted for differences between the groups, such as other dietary differences, age, physical activity, smoking, weight and the use of anti-inflammatory drugs.
While a single study is rarely enough to change clinical practice, these findings raise doubts about avoiding nuts, corn and popcorn, says Strate. “They give evidence to clinicians to reconsider that recommendation” when counseling people who have diverticulitis or even innocuous diverticula, says Strate. http://Louis1J1Sheehan.us
“It was dogma that small seeds and roughage could cause diverticulitis, that they would get into diverticula and plug them,” says gastroenterologist Martin Floch of Yale University. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire "This paper is terrific [because] it helps to get that out of the common dogma.”
While the precise cause of diverticula formation remains unclear, Floch says, fiber certainly helps to prevent it. "Everybody should be on a high-fiber diet," he says.
Friday, May 1, 2009
toxin 4.tox.002 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Some harmful strains of E. coli might rely on something sweet to do harm.
Taking a bite out of a favorite hamburger could mean absorbing a foreign sugar that can put a person at risk for future bouts of diarrhea-causing strains of E. coli – even if that burger doesn’t host the E. coli strains.
A study published online October 29 in Nature presents results from lab work suggesting that foodstuffs such as red meat and dairy products contain sugar molecules not naturally produced in the human body which toxins from E. coli bacteria may bind to, triggering the pathway that causes disease.
Mercedes Paredes of the University of Texas Health Science Center at Houston, a doctor not involved with the study who focuses on E. coli, calls this research an important step. “The outbreaks caused by these [strains of] bacteria have the potential to overwhelm acute care resources, even in countries with an advanced health care system.” Based on these findings, she says she hopes for a future treatment to prevent the initial binding from occurring.
The sugar molecules, called Neu5Gc, are absorbed by the body and incorporated into intestinal and kidney tissue — later serving as targets for the E. coli toxin, says study coauthor Ajit Varki, a microbiologist at the University of California, San Diego, in La Jolla.
“In general [these strains of E. coli] are vastly understudied,” explains Andy Benson, a microbiologist from the University of Nebraska–Lincoln. “Now you’ve got a scenario where the organism — the toxin — actually needs something from the food it’s carried in — that’s truly unique.”
The sugar could be a key mechanism in the pathway allowing E. coli to infect a person, even from one bad burger.
It is still unknown how the sugar accumulates or is broken down over time because scientists don’t know how the body takes care of it, Benson says. The sugar could stay around in the body and put people at risk for future infection if they later consume a food that carries one of the harmful strains of E. coli.
The scientists tested human gut and kidney cells steeped in these sugar molecules and discovered that the toxin was about seven times more likely to bind to these cells if the sugar was present. It is still “not clear how to extrapolate this precisely to the human body,” Varki says.
Varki says that a typical quarter-pound beef burger would have about 3 milligrams of the sugar. Because the amount of the sugar varies in foods like meat and dairy products, he estimates a typical American diet includes between 10 and 20 milligrams per day.
At the molecular level, when the sugar is present on cellular surfaces, one part of the toxin binds to the sugar and another component of the toxin enters the cell and deactivates a critical cell regulator — leading to disease, says microbiologist Travis Beddoe of Monash University in Victoria, Australia, a coauthor of the study.
“It’s ironic that eating a particular food presensitizes you to toxins from the very same food — I don’t know of any other food like that,” Varki says.
The microbiologists do not know if avoiding meat and dairy would reduce the likelihood that the E. coli toxin would harm the body. But, Beddoe says, “the most common way to get infected with E.coli is through eating poorly cooked meat, contaminated water or unpasteurized milk.”
Taking a bite out of a favorite hamburger could mean absorbing a foreign sugar that can put a person at risk for future bouts of diarrhea-causing strains of E. coli – even if that burger doesn’t host the E. coli strains.
A study published online October 29 in Nature presents results from lab work suggesting that foodstuffs such as red meat and dairy products contain sugar molecules not naturally produced in the human body which toxins from E. coli bacteria may bind to, triggering the pathway that causes disease.
Mercedes Paredes of the University of Texas Health Science Center at Houston, a doctor not involved with the study who focuses on E. coli, calls this research an important step. “The outbreaks caused by these [strains of] bacteria have the potential to overwhelm acute care resources, even in countries with an advanced health care system.” Based on these findings, she says she hopes for a future treatment to prevent the initial binding from occurring.
The sugar molecules, called Neu5Gc, are absorbed by the body and incorporated into intestinal and kidney tissue — later serving as targets for the E. coli toxin, says study coauthor Ajit Varki, a microbiologist at the University of California, San Diego, in La Jolla.
“In general [these strains of E. coli] are vastly understudied,” explains Andy Benson, a microbiologist from the University of Nebraska–Lincoln. “Now you’ve got a scenario where the organism — the toxin — actually needs something from the food it’s carried in — that’s truly unique.”
The sugar could be a key mechanism in the pathway allowing E. coli to infect a person, even from one bad burger.
It is still unknown how the sugar accumulates or is broken down over time because scientists don’t know how the body takes care of it, Benson says. The sugar could stay around in the body and put people at risk for future infection if they later consume a food that carries one of the harmful strains of E. coli.
The scientists tested human gut and kidney cells steeped in these sugar molecules and discovered that the toxin was about seven times more likely to bind to these cells if the sugar was present. It is still “not clear how to extrapolate this precisely to the human body,” Varki says.
Varki says that a typical quarter-pound beef burger would have about 3 milligrams of the sugar. Because the amount of the sugar varies in foods like meat and dairy products, he estimates a typical American diet includes between 10 and 20 milligrams per day.
At the molecular level, when the sugar is present on cellular surfaces, one part of the toxin binds to the sugar and another component of the toxin enters the cell and deactivates a critical cell regulator — leading to disease, says microbiologist Travis Beddoe of Monash University in Victoria, Australia, a coauthor of the study.
“It’s ironic that eating a particular food presensitizes you to toxins from the very same food — I don’t know of any other food like that,” Varki says.
The microbiologists do not know if avoiding meat and dairy would reduce the likelihood that the E. coli toxin would harm the body. But, Beddoe says, “the most common way to get infected with E.coli is through eating poorly cooked meat, contaminated water or unpasteurized milk.”
Thursday, April 30, 2009
animal 5.ani.00 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
New research on brain activity confirms that people can be madly in love with each other long after the honeymoon is over.
Researchers led by Bianca Acevedo at the Albert Einstein College of Medicine in New York wanted to know if romantic love — or at least the brain activity it triggers — could last in a long-term relationship. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.US
To everyone’s relief, the answer is yes. The group presented its results November 16 at the annual meeting of the Society for Neuroscience.
The new data suggest that people who have been madly in love for an average of 21 years maintain activation in a brain region associated with early-stage love. “We now have physiological evidence that romantic love can last,” says coauthor Helen Fisher, a biological anthropologist from Rutgers University in New Brunswick, N.J.
Most couples who have been together for many years experience a change from a frenetic, obsessive love to something more subdued and comfortable, says study coauthor Lucy Brown of Albert Einstein College of Medicine. But the researchers noticed a small group of outliers who had been with the same person many years and claimed to be as much in love as they were during the exciting early days of their relationship.
Since that earlier study in 2005 using functional MRI brain imaging, the researchers knew that a certain part of the brain called the ventral tegmental area was activated when people who had been in love for relatively short times — an average of seven months — saw pictures of their sweethearts. Perhaps not coincidentally, the ventral tegmental area is also activated by the rush of cocaine, and is the region that controls production of the natural stimulant dopamine. The researchers concluded that this area was associated with the intense, burning stages of early love. It was unclear whether this region would still be active after 20 years of being in a relationship.
Long-term lovers who had been married for an average of 21 years viewed a picture of their partner while the scientists monitored the subjects’ brain activity using fMRI. People who claimed to be madly in love for 20 years and people who had been in love only for months showed similar activation in the ventral tegmental area of the brain.
At the same time, key differences between the early- and late-stage lovers emerged that suggest potential benefits to staying together for 20 years. People in long-term relationships who were madly in love showed higher levels of activity in a part of the brain associated with calmness and pain suppression, whereas people in love for shorter periods of time had higher activity in a region of the brain associated with obsession and anxiety. “The difference is that in long term love, the obsession the mania, the anxiety has been replaced with calm,” Fisher said in a news conference.
“There is an evolutionary advantage to being paired,” says researcher J. Thomas Curtis, who studies pair-bonding in prairie voles, small animals that are well-known for forming life-long monogamous pairs. Much of the research on voles, including Curtis’ work at Oklahoma State University in Tulsa, Okla., supports these new findings on long-term pairing in humans, he says. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire In fact, when researchers get rid of the ventral tegmental area of a vole brain, the same region activated in human couples who are in love, the animal no longer forms pair bonds.
To understand the complicated subject of human love, the scientists plan to conduct more brain imaging studies. The next step will be to periodically monitor the brains of newlyweds as the couples slowly enter long-term relationships. The researchers hope to understand how brain activity may correlate with life events, like the birth of a child or relationship troubles, Acevedo says.
Researchers led by Bianca Acevedo at the Albert Einstein College of Medicine in New York wanted to know if romantic love — or at least the brain activity it triggers — could last in a long-term relationship. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.US
To everyone’s relief, the answer is yes. The group presented its results November 16 at the annual meeting of the Society for Neuroscience.
The new data suggest that people who have been madly in love for an average of 21 years maintain activation in a brain region associated with early-stage love. “We now have physiological evidence that romantic love can last,” says coauthor Helen Fisher, a biological anthropologist from Rutgers University in New Brunswick, N.J.
Most couples who have been together for many years experience a change from a frenetic, obsessive love to something more subdued and comfortable, says study coauthor Lucy Brown of Albert Einstein College of Medicine. But the researchers noticed a small group of outliers who had been with the same person many years and claimed to be as much in love as they were during the exciting early days of their relationship.
Since that earlier study in 2005 using functional MRI brain imaging, the researchers knew that a certain part of the brain called the ventral tegmental area was activated when people who had been in love for relatively short times — an average of seven months — saw pictures of their sweethearts. Perhaps not coincidentally, the ventral tegmental area is also activated by the rush of cocaine, and is the region that controls production of the natural stimulant dopamine. The researchers concluded that this area was associated with the intense, burning stages of early love. It was unclear whether this region would still be active after 20 years of being in a relationship.
Long-term lovers who had been married for an average of 21 years viewed a picture of their partner while the scientists monitored the subjects’ brain activity using fMRI. People who claimed to be madly in love for 20 years and people who had been in love only for months showed similar activation in the ventral tegmental area of the brain.
At the same time, key differences between the early- and late-stage lovers emerged that suggest potential benefits to staying together for 20 years. People in long-term relationships who were madly in love showed higher levels of activity in a part of the brain associated with calmness and pain suppression, whereas people in love for shorter periods of time had higher activity in a region of the brain associated with obsession and anxiety. “The difference is that in long term love, the obsession the mania, the anxiety has been replaced with calm,” Fisher said in a news conference.
“There is an evolutionary advantage to being paired,” says researcher J. Thomas Curtis, who studies pair-bonding in prairie voles, small animals that are well-known for forming life-long monogamous pairs. Much of the research on voles, including Curtis’ work at Oklahoma State University in Tulsa, Okla., supports these new findings on long-term pairing in humans, he says. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire In fact, when researchers get rid of the ventral tegmental area of a vole brain, the same region activated in human couples who are in love, the animal no longer forms pair bonds.
To understand the complicated subject of human love, the scientists plan to conduct more brain imaging studies. The next step will be to periodically monitor the brains of newlyweds as the couples slowly enter long-term relationships. The researchers hope to understand how brain activity may correlate with life events, like the birth of a child or relationship troubles, Acevedo says.
Wednesday, April 15, 2009
imagination 2.ima.0002998 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Placebos are supposed to be nothing. They’re sugar pills, shots of saline, fake creams; they’re given to the comparison group in drug trials so doctors can see whether a new treatment is better than no treatment.
But placebos aren’t nothing. Their ingredients may be bogus, but the elicited reactions are real. “The placebo effect is in some way the bane of the pharma industry’s existence because people have this nasty habit of getting better even without a specific drug,” says David Spiegel, a psychiatrist at Stanford University School of Medicine.
It all boils down to expectation. If you expect pain to diminish, the brain releases natural painkillers. If you expect pain to get worse, the brain shuts off the processes that provide pain relief. Somehow, anticipation trips the same neural wires as actual treatment does.
Scientists are using imaging techniques to probe brains on placebos and watch the placebo effect in real time. Such studies show, for example, that the pleasure chemical dopamine and the brain’s natural painkillers, opioids, work oppositely depending on whether people expect pain to get better or worse. Other research shows that placebos can reduce anxiety.
The first brain imaging study to show what happens in the brain during the placebo effect was not necessarily aiming to do so. Its goal was to use brain scans to study what happens when people take apomorphine, which is a drug for Parkinson’s disease, a condition marked by a lack of dopamine. The drug brings quick relief but is infamous for its unpleasant side effects of dizziness and nausea. Led by neurologist Raúl de la Fuente-Fernández of the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, the project used PET scans to monitor the activity of the brains of Parkinson’s patients the same day patients took the drug. PET scans are tools to identify where the brain is activated and which brain chemicals are involved in a task.
But patients in the study experienced so many side effects from the drug that the researchers had to cancel the PET scans. De la Fuente-Fernández wondered whether the combination of undergoing PET scans and worry over side effects made some patients react to the drug more strongly than they should have. So he changed the protocol. On scanning days, investigators gave the drug in several injections rather than a single dose. Participants knew that one dose was placebo, but not which one.
That simple adjustment reduced side effects, kept the trial going and led to a Science paper in 2001 showing that placebos trigger dopamine release through the same circuitry as Parkinson’s drugs. This finding was “serendipity, just serendipity,” says de la Fuente-Fernández.
Seeing expectations in action can help scientists understand how the brain carries out the placebo effect. The hope is that such research can point to when, how and why the effect occurs, leading to better drugs and improved clinical care.
Believing is relieving
People receiving a placebo in a clinical trial often respond as though they are getting a real drug. At the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, neuroscientist Jon-Kar Zubieta studies this phenomenon in the laboratory.
Earlier work by Zubieta and colleagues has shown that the anticipation of pain relief discharges opioids from pain control centers in the brain. Opioids are part of the brain’s pain-relief strategy and are activated by stress. Other chemical messengers, such as dopamine, join in too. In the nucleus accumbens, dopamine is released when the brain sees a reward coming, such as food or sex. Dopamine drives the reward response, and Zubieta wondered whether dopamine also participates in the placebo effect.
access
Enlargemagnify
RELIEF, PAIN, NOTHINGENLARGE | MRI scans reveal variation in how the brain carries out different reactions to pain.Zubieta, Archives of General Psychiatry, 2008
Modeling the experiments on clinical trials, Zubieta’s team told participants that they would be testing a new medication that would relieve pain by activating the brain’s natural pain-relief centers. Participants were told that they would receive a placebo or the drug. Finally, they were told that they wouldn’t know whether the drug worked or not but that investigators would know because of the brain-scanning equipment.
The scientists then administered the “pain relief” (which did not include, in fact, any actual drugs, only placebo) and exposed participants to pain by injecting low-concentration saltwater into a large jaw muscle for 20 minutes. PET images were taken of the participants’ brains during the exposure. Pain lessened for some and strengthened for others—just what happens in clinical trials, the researchers reported in the February Archives of General Psychiatry.
In participants whose pain symptoms improved, the nucleus accumbens released dopamine and opioids. In those who reported more pain and discomfort, the brain shut down dopamine and opioid release through the same pathways.
But even in such tightly controlled laboratory experiments, not all people respond to placebos, and not all respond the same way. In another experiment, the same volunteers played the monetary incentive delay task, a gambling game. Reward was expected, but not reward in the form of relief from pain. Using fMRI, the researchers monitored neural activity and found that indeed the nucleus accumbens was activated during anticipation of monetary reward. And in each person, that activation was proportional to the person’s capacity for a placebo-generated release of dopamine during the pain experiments, the team reported in 2007 in Neuron.
“Both dopamine release and activity during reward anticipation predicted analgesia,” says Zubieta.
Pain or relief, same network
Pain, Parkinson’s and even anxiety over medicine may seem unconnected, but these conditions share circuits in the cerebral cortex—the part of the brain that evaluates a situation and its consequences—and in the brain stem, a routing area for information going to and from the brain. Think of the brain as a distribution of networks. Each may have a different job but all the regions are connected.
Many brain areas overlap with those involved in pain and stress because pain and mood affect each other. Depression and movement problems are typical symptoms of Parkinson’s disease, and dopamine levels are crucial to both.
Think of these brain areas as networks of reverberating circuits that size up a situation and assign an emotional value, says Tor Wager, a neuroscientist at Columbia University in New York City. “How somebody looks at a situation, whether they’re a pessimist or optimist, is likely to affect that core circuitry,” he says.
Wager’s research joins a trio of early studies linking placebos to these brain networks. In 2004, Wager showed that expectations alone bring the prefrontal cortex online even before participants get a painful stimulus.
Earlier, Predrag Petrovic, a psychiatrist at the Karolinska Institute in Stockholm, showed that placebo activates the same brain areas involved in pain relief. Petrovic suspects that the prefrontal cortex sends signals to the anterior cingulate cortex, or ACC, which interprets pain as a threat and activates natural painkillers through a fiber network reaching to the brain stem. “Before, people thought placebos were a passive process,” says Petrovic.
Petrovic and colleagues then wondered whether the placebo response for emotional processing uses the same brain circuits as pain processing. They set up an experiment designed to manipulate anxiety. On day one, scientists gave participants an antianxiety drug and then, during a brain scan, showed photos ranging from scary to neutral. For example, one photo showed a gun pointing at the participants’ faces, another a rolling pin.
The next day, the researchers told participants they would get the same drug and view the same photos. Instead, participants received placebo, and again their brains were scanned while they looked at the pictures. Comparing scans showed that the placebo and the real antianxiety drug activated the same area of the prefrontal cortex and ACC. “We know now that we’re actually activating systems that can either make it better or worse for the patient just by what we tell them and how we tell them,” Petrovic says.
The white, round pill
One reason the placebo response works is because people consciously or unconsciously connect environmental cues and a healing response. The color and shape of aspirin, a doctor’s white coat, the dentist’s chair or a stethoscope form the social context in which the placebo effect occurs.
Fabrizio Benedetti, a neurologist at the University of Turin in Italy, calls these stimuli the psychosocial context, things that “tell the patient that a therapy is being performed.” Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Aspirin pills are white and round and contain acetylsalicylic acid. Time after time, people take aspirin and headaches disappear, so a link forms between the color and shape of aspirin pills and the effects of acetylsalicylic acid. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Before long, people learn to respond to any white and round pill, even one with sugar inside, says Benedetti.
Doctors can bring the placebo effect to the clinic without lying to patients. And doctors can harness the psychosocial context to reduce the intake of dangerous painkillers. Benedetti provides an example: A doctor gives morphine on Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday. On Thursday, the doctor replaces morphine with placebo. Then the doctor repeats the cycle of three days with morphine, one day with placebo. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.INFO In the long run, doctors can reduce the intake of morphine, which is exactly what Benedetti and colleagues did in a clinical experiment. “We were able to reduce the intake of buprenorphine [a morphinelike drug] by about 34 percent in postoperative pain,” says Benedetti.
The biggest problem with using placebos is ethical because doctors have to convince patients they’re getting a real drug. Benedetti suggests telling patients the truth by saying: “‘I’m going to perform a procedure which is known to activate endogenous analgesic substances in your brain. Thus, your pain will subside in the next few minutes.’ Even though you give a placebo, I believe there is no deception in this sentence.”
Placebos for better drugs
So far, imaging techniques have provided the tools to measure the emotional aspect of medical treatment. Lots of work needs to be done, though, before scientists can fully harness placebo power. Still unknown is why the placebo response sometimes lasts less than an hour and how to make responses last longer.
Almost no system in the brain or body works alone. Imaging research using the placebo effect could help scientists figure out which systems are most important in the human brain, in diseases and in behavior, says Mark Mintun, a radiologist at the Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis. In Parkinson’s, for example, imaging the effect shows how much the brain depends on the ability to fine-tune the complicated dopamine system. In people with Parkinson’s, disease brings changes to mood and movement. Imaging the effect in this condition could reveal dopamine receptors that influence both reward and muscles, says Mintun.
“We don’t do placebo research just so we can come up with a new therapy,” Mintun says. “Sometimes we have to make sure that we understand what we’re being fooled by. If you find out all you’re doing is activating the placebo network every time you give somebody a drug and tell them how great they’re going to feel, then clearly that drug may not be doing any good.”
Even though imaging has homed in on where in the brain the placebo effect happens, still unknown are the details of what is happening in those regions. Imaging studies have located the placebo effect to areas such as the nucleus accumbens, but this area connects to a number of brain regions. Just locating an area doesn’t explain the role of the connections. The brain usually has multiple ways of achieving things such as movement or pain relief. So the effect may tap into other pathways, says Mintun. Once the pathways are understood, scientists could exploit the effect to help people with conditions that are difficult to treat, such as chronic pain.
“One of the fun steps would be to understand whether the brain mechanisms involved in the placebo effect could give us new insights for how to develop treatments,” Mintun says. “Clearly, if you can make somebody feel better or make them move better by marshaling a new network in their brain, then we could tap into that with drug therapy. We might be able to enhance current therapies or create a brand new therapy.”
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Comments 3
* Pavlov's Smile
Ameisen Olivier, Imagination Medicine,
Placebo, God-Religion, Virtual Reality
(recapitulation of some earlier posts)
A. Anti-Depressants, like
- Ameisen Olivier's "end of my addiction"
- http://www.completehealthdallas.com/Anti-DepressantsNaturalAlternativeDallas.html
- http://www.answers.com/topic/serotonin
B. Imagination Medicine
http://www.sciencenews.org/view/feature/id/39046/title/Imagination_Medicine
Brain imaging reveals the substance of placebos. Expectation alone triggers the same neural circuits and chemicals as real drugs.
"It all boils down to expectation. If you expect pain to diminish, the brain releases natural painkillers. If you expect pain to get worse, the brain shuts off the processes that provide pain relief. Somehow, anticipation trips the same neural wires as actual treatment does.
Scientists are using imaging techniques to probe brains on placebos and watch the placebo effect in real time. Such studies show, for example, that the pleasure chemical dopamine and the brain’s natural painkillers, opioids, work oppositely depending on whether people expect pain to get better or worse. Other research shows that placebos can reduce anxiety."
C. Placebos: some background info
http://www.cerebromente.org.br/n09/mente/pavlov_i.htm
http://www.cerebromente.org.br/n09/mente/placebo1_i.htm
http://thjuland.tripod.com/placebos.html
The concept of a placebo comes from medieval times, when professional mourners were paid to stay by the bedside of. deceased person, reciting a psalm beginning "Placebo Domino..." or "I shall please the Lord." "Placebo" gradually became the word used for the paid mourner, whose grief was, in fact, false.
D. Life's Manifest
http://www.the-scientist.com/community/posts/list/112.page#578
Genes are the primal, 1st stratum, Earth's organism and genomes are 2nd stratum organisms,
multigenes consisting of cooperative communes of their member genes.
Life is a real virtual affair that pops in and out of existence in its matrix, which is the energy constrained in Earth's biosphere.
E. On Science and Religion
"Evolutionary Biology Of Culture And Religion"
http://www.the-scientist.com/community/posts/list/20/122.page#492
The concept “God” is a human virtual reality artifact, experienced only through sensory stimuli. Preoccupation with god-religious matters within a scientific frameworks contributes to corrosion and corruption of science and scientism by manifesting or implying acceptance of virtual reality as reality.
Everything is discussable scientifically. No limit. Including virtual matters and affairs. But for a scientific discussion the framework must be clearly defined. The totality of subjects that come under the classification "virtual" are not an exception. You can include in the discussion Pavlov and the modes and manners of exploiting virtuality in any area and towards any end.
F. So why Pavlov smiled in 2008? Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Pavlov demonstrated effecting placebo phenomena in multicelled organisms by manipulation of their drives-reactions. Now placebo and imagination phenomena are demonstrated also in the smaller organisms, in the genes and genomes of multicelled organisms, in our primal first stratum and 2nd stratum base organisms. A very good reason to smile.
Now an interesting chain is exposed to our view, the Genes-Virtual Reality Chain, a most intriguing cultural evolution chain extending from the genesis of our genes to nowadays, throughout life, a virtual reality existence, and by virtual reality phenomena, exploitations and manipulations.
But placebos aren’t nothing. Their ingredients may be bogus, but the elicited reactions are real. “The placebo effect is in some way the bane of the pharma industry’s existence because people have this nasty habit of getting better even without a specific drug,” says David Spiegel, a psychiatrist at Stanford University School of Medicine.
It all boils down to expectation. If you expect pain to diminish, the brain releases natural painkillers. If you expect pain to get worse, the brain shuts off the processes that provide pain relief. Somehow, anticipation trips the same neural wires as actual treatment does.
Scientists are using imaging techniques to probe brains on placebos and watch the placebo effect in real time. Such studies show, for example, that the pleasure chemical dopamine and the brain’s natural painkillers, opioids, work oppositely depending on whether people expect pain to get better or worse. Other research shows that placebos can reduce anxiety.
The first brain imaging study to show what happens in the brain during the placebo effect was not necessarily aiming to do so. Its goal was to use brain scans to study what happens when people take apomorphine, which is a drug for Parkinson’s disease, a condition marked by a lack of dopamine. The drug brings quick relief but is infamous for its unpleasant side effects of dizziness and nausea. Led by neurologist Raúl de la Fuente-Fernández of the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, the project used PET scans to monitor the activity of the brains of Parkinson’s patients the same day patients took the drug. PET scans are tools to identify where the brain is activated and which brain chemicals are involved in a task.
But patients in the study experienced so many side effects from the drug that the researchers had to cancel the PET scans. De la Fuente-Fernández wondered whether the combination of undergoing PET scans and worry over side effects made some patients react to the drug more strongly than they should have. So he changed the protocol. On scanning days, investigators gave the drug in several injections rather than a single dose. Participants knew that one dose was placebo, but not which one.
That simple adjustment reduced side effects, kept the trial going and led to a Science paper in 2001 showing that placebos trigger dopamine release through the same circuitry as Parkinson’s drugs. This finding was “serendipity, just serendipity,” says de la Fuente-Fernández.
Seeing expectations in action can help scientists understand how the brain carries out the placebo effect. The hope is that such research can point to when, how and why the effect occurs, leading to better drugs and improved clinical care.
Believing is relieving
People receiving a placebo in a clinical trial often respond as though they are getting a real drug. At the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, neuroscientist Jon-Kar Zubieta studies this phenomenon in the laboratory.
Earlier work by Zubieta and colleagues has shown that the anticipation of pain relief discharges opioids from pain control centers in the brain. Opioids are part of the brain’s pain-relief strategy and are activated by stress. Other chemical messengers, such as dopamine, join in too. In the nucleus accumbens, dopamine is released when the brain sees a reward coming, such as food or sex. Dopamine drives the reward response, and Zubieta wondered whether dopamine also participates in the placebo effect.
access
Enlargemagnify
RELIEF, PAIN, NOTHINGENLARGE | MRI scans reveal variation in how the brain carries out different reactions to pain.Zubieta, Archives of General Psychiatry, 2008
Modeling the experiments on clinical trials, Zubieta’s team told participants that they would be testing a new medication that would relieve pain by activating the brain’s natural pain-relief centers. Participants were told that they would receive a placebo or the drug. Finally, they were told that they wouldn’t know whether the drug worked or not but that investigators would know because of the brain-scanning equipment.
The scientists then administered the “pain relief” (which did not include, in fact, any actual drugs, only placebo) and exposed participants to pain by injecting low-concentration saltwater into a large jaw muscle for 20 minutes. PET images were taken of the participants’ brains during the exposure. Pain lessened for some and strengthened for others—just what happens in clinical trials, the researchers reported in the February Archives of General Psychiatry.
In participants whose pain symptoms improved, the nucleus accumbens released dopamine and opioids. In those who reported more pain and discomfort, the brain shut down dopamine and opioid release through the same pathways.
But even in such tightly controlled laboratory experiments, not all people respond to placebos, and not all respond the same way. In another experiment, the same volunteers played the monetary incentive delay task, a gambling game. Reward was expected, but not reward in the form of relief from pain. Using fMRI, the researchers monitored neural activity and found that indeed the nucleus accumbens was activated during anticipation of monetary reward. And in each person, that activation was proportional to the person’s capacity for a placebo-generated release of dopamine during the pain experiments, the team reported in 2007 in Neuron.
“Both dopamine release and activity during reward anticipation predicted analgesia,” says Zubieta.
Pain or relief, same network
Pain, Parkinson’s and even anxiety over medicine may seem unconnected, but these conditions share circuits in the cerebral cortex—the part of the brain that evaluates a situation and its consequences—and in the brain stem, a routing area for information going to and from the brain. Think of the brain as a distribution of networks. Each may have a different job but all the regions are connected.
Many brain areas overlap with those involved in pain and stress because pain and mood affect each other. Depression and movement problems are typical symptoms of Parkinson’s disease, and dopamine levels are crucial to both.
Think of these brain areas as networks of reverberating circuits that size up a situation and assign an emotional value, says Tor Wager, a neuroscientist at Columbia University in New York City. “How somebody looks at a situation, whether they’re a pessimist or optimist, is likely to affect that core circuitry,” he says.
Wager’s research joins a trio of early studies linking placebos to these brain networks. In 2004, Wager showed that expectations alone bring the prefrontal cortex online even before participants get a painful stimulus.
Earlier, Predrag Petrovic, a psychiatrist at the Karolinska Institute in Stockholm, showed that placebo activates the same brain areas involved in pain relief. Petrovic suspects that the prefrontal cortex sends signals to the anterior cingulate cortex, or ACC, which interprets pain as a threat and activates natural painkillers through a fiber network reaching to the brain stem. “Before, people thought placebos were a passive process,” says Petrovic.
Petrovic and colleagues then wondered whether the placebo response for emotional processing uses the same brain circuits as pain processing. They set up an experiment designed to manipulate anxiety. On day one, scientists gave participants an antianxiety drug and then, during a brain scan, showed photos ranging from scary to neutral. For example, one photo showed a gun pointing at the participants’ faces, another a rolling pin.
The next day, the researchers told participants they would get the same drug and view the same photos. Instead, participants received placebo, and again their brains were scanned while they looked at the pictures. Comparing scans showed that the placebo and the real antianxiety drug activated the same area of the prefrontal cortex and ACC. “We know now that we’re actually activating systems that can either make it better or worse for the patient just by what we tell them and how we tell them,” Petrovic says.
The white, round pill
One reason the placebo response works is because people consciously or unconsciously connect environmental cues and a healing response. The color and shape of aspirin, a doctor’s white coat, the dentist’s chair or a stethoscope form the social context in which the placebo effect occurs.
Fabrizio Benedetti, a neurologist at the University of Turin in Italy, calls these stimuli the psychosocial context, things that “tell the patient that a therapy is being performed.” Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Aspirin pills are white and round and contain acetylsalicylic acid. Time after time, people take aspirin and headaches disappear, so a link forms between the color and shape of aspirin pills and the effects of acetylsalicylic acid. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Before long, people learn to respond to any white and round pill, even one with sugar inside, says Benedetti.
Doctors can bring the placebo effect to the clinic without lying to patients. And doctors can harness the psychosocial context to reduce the intake of dangerous painkillers. Benedetti provides an example: A doctor gives morphine on Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday. On Thursday, the doctor replaces morphine with placebo. Then the doctor repeats the cycle of three days with morphine, one day with placebo. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.INFO In the long run, doctors can reduce the intake of morphine, which is exactly what Benedetti and colleagues did in a clinical experiment. “We were able to reduce the intake of buprenorphine [a morphinelike drug] by about 34 percent in postoperative pain,” says Benedetti.
The biggest problem with using placebos is ethical because doctors have to convince patients they’re getting a real drug. Benedetti suggests telling patients the truth by saying: “‘I’m going to perform a procedure which is known to activate endogenous analgesic substances in your brain. Thus, your pain will subside in the next few minutes.’ Even though you give a placebo, I believe there is no deception in this sentence.”
Placebos for better drugs
So far, imaging techniques have provided the tools to measure the emotional aspect of medical treatment. Lots of work needs to be done, though, before scientists can fully harness placebo power. Still unknown is why the placebo response sometimes lasts less than an hour and how to make responses last longer.
Almost no system in the brain or body works alone. Imaging research using the placebo effect could help scientists figure out which systems are most important in the human brain, in diseases and in behavior, says Mark Mintun, a radiologist at the Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis. In Parkinson’s, for example, imaging the effect shows how much the brain depends on the ability to fine-tune the complicated dopamine system. In people with Parkinson’s, disease brings changes to mood and movement. Imaging the effect in this condition could reveal dopamine receptors that influence both reward and muscles, says Mintun.
“We don’t do placebo research just so we can come up with a new therapy,” Mintun says. “Sometimes we have to make sure that we understand what we’re being fooled by. If you find out all you’re doing is activating the placebo network every time you give somebody a drug and tell them how great they’re going to feel, then clearly that drug may not be doing any good.”
Even though imaging has homed in on where in the brain the placebo effect happens, still unknown are the details of what is happening in those regions. Imaging studies have located the placebo effect to areas such as the nucleus accumbens, but this area connects to a number of brain regions. Just locating an area doesn’t explain the role of the connections. The brain usually has multiple ways of achieving things such as movement or pain relief. So the effect may tap into other pathways, says Mintun. Once the pathways are understood, scientists could exploit the effect to help people with conditions that are difficult to treat, such as chronic pain.
“One of the fun steps would be to understand whether the brain mechanisms involved in the placebo effect could give us new insights for how to develop treatments,” Mintun says. “Clearly, if you can make somebody feel better or make them move better by marshaling a new network in their brain, then we could tap into that with drug therapy. We might be able to enhance current therapies or create a brand new therapy.”
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Comments 3
* Pavlov's Smile
Ameisen Olivier, Imagination Medicine,
Placebo, God-Religion, Virtual Reality
(recapitulation of some earlier posts)
A. Anti-Depressants, like
- Ameisen Olivier's "end of my addiction"
- http://www.completehealthdallas.com/Anti-DepressantsNaturalAlternativeDallas.html
- http://www.answers.com/topic/serotonin
B. Imagination Medicine
http://www.sciencenews.org/view/feature/id/39046/title/Imagination_Medicine
Brain imaging reveals the substance of placebos. Expectation alone triggers the same neural circuits and chemicals as real drugs.
"It all boils down to expectation. If you expect pain to diminish, the brain releases natural painkillers. If you expect pain to get worse, the brain shuts off the processes that provide pain relief. Somehow, anticipation trips the same neural wires as actual treatment does.
Scientists are using imaging techniques to probe brains on placebos and watch the placebo effect in real time. Such studies show, for example, that the pleasure chemical dopamine and the brain’s natural painkillers, opioids, work oppositely depending on whether people expect pain to get better or worse. Other research shows that placebos can reduce anxiety."
C. Placebos: some background info
http://www.cerebromente.org.br/n09/mente/pavlov_i.htm
http://www.cerebromente.org.br/n09/mente/placebo1_i.htm
http://thjuland.tripod.com/placebos.html
The concept of a placebo comes from medieval times, when professional mourners were paid to stay by the bedside of. deceased person, reciting a psalm beginning "Placebo Domino..." or "I shall please the Lord." "Placebo" gradually became the word used for the paid mourner, whose grief was, in fact, false.
D. Life's Manifest
http://www.the-scientist.com/community/posts/list/112.page#578
Genes are the primal, 1st stratum, Earth's organism and genomes are 2nd stratum organisms,
multigenes consisting of cooperative communes of their member genes.
Life is a real virtual affair that pops in and out of existence in its matrix, which is the energy constrained in Earth's biosphere.
E. On Science and Religion
"Evolutionary Biology Of Culture And Religion"
http://www.the-scientist.com/community/posts/list/20/122.page#492
The concept “God” is a human virtual reality artifact, experienced only through sensory stimuli. Preoccupation with god-religious matters within a scientific frameworks contributes to corrosion and corruption of science and scientism by manifesting or implying acceptance of virtual reality as reality.
Everything is discussable scientifically. No limit. Including virtual matters and affairs. But for a scientific discussion the framework must be clearly defined. The totality of subjects that come under the classification "virtual" are not an exception. You can include in the discussion Pavlov and the modes and manners of exploiting virtuality in any area and towards any end.
F. So why Pavlov smiled in 2008? Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Pavlov demonstrated effecting placebo phenomena in multicelled organisms by manipulation of their drives-reactions. Now placebo and imagination phenomena are demonstrated also in the smaller organisms, in the genes and genomes of multicelled organisms, in our primal first stratum and 2nd stratum base organisms. A very good reason to smile.
Now an interesting chain is exposed to our view, the Genes-Virtual Reality Chain, a most intriguing cultural evolution chain extending from the genesis of our genes to nowadays, throughout life, a virtual reality existence, and by virtual reality phenomena, exploitations and manipulations.
Saturday, April 11, 2009
poliovirus 8.000.4 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Researchers have sequenced the genomes of all 99 known strains of human rhinovirus — a virus that causes the common cold. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.NET The work provides new information about how the strains are related and how to predict their virulence, according to a report online February 12 in Science. Decoding the genomes of rhinovirus strains is the first step toward developing vaccines against the common cold, or toward developing drugs that kill the viruses. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.NET
“Most people think of colds as just a nuisance, but colds can be debilitating for very young people, old people or people with asthma,” says study coauthor Stephen B. Liggett, a pulmonologist and molecular geneticist at the University of Maryland School of Medicine in Baltimore.
Previous efforts to cure the common cold were hampered by the sheer number rhinovirus strains, and until now only about a third of the strains had been sequenced. “Now we have the full picture,” says Ann Palmenberg, a molecular virologist at the University of Wisconsin–Madison and coauthor of the study.
By assembling the rhinovirus family tree and comparing the genetic codes of the different virus strains that cause colds, Palmenberg and her colleagues were able to organize the strains into about 15 groups. Now researchers may be able to design a specific antiviral drug or vaccine for each group.
“This research will help us to aim our preventative and treatment measures more accurately,” comments E. Kathryn Miller, an allergist and immunologist at the Monroe Carell Jr. Children’s Hospital at Vanderbilt Medical Center in Nashville.
Although sorting the rhinoviruses into 15 groups helped to narrow the field, drug researchers still have to aim at a moving target, the study suggests. In addition to the 99 previously known strains obtained from a virus reference library, the researchers also sequenced the genomes of 10 samples obtained from patients with colds. These samples had amassed mutations, which suggest that the rhinovirus genome changes. Tracing the rhinovirus lineage also showed that strains were able to exchange genetic information, recombining to create new strains.Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Researchers compared the strains with the genomes of other viruses, including the poliovirus, and identified a particular stretch of sequence that may help predict whether a rhinovirus strain is virulent. The team also found that rhinoviruses that plague humans use a molecular shortcut to start making their own proteins quickly, “which is likely why people feel sick soon after infection,” Palmenberg says.Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
To better understand how the viruses mutate and recombine over a cold season, the team plans to sequence rhinoviruses from a larger number of patients. “This will help us to identify which areas of the human rhinovirus genome change and which stay the same — which will help us to design new therapeutics,” Palmenberg says.Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
“Most people think of colds as just a nuisance, but colds can be debilitating for very young people, old people or people with asthma,” says study coauthor Stephen B. Liggett, a pulmonologist and molecular geneticist at the University of Maryland School of Medicine in Baltimore.
Previous efforts to cure the common cold were hampered by the sheer number rhinovirus strains, and until now only about a third of the strains had been sequenced. “Now we have the full picture,” says Ann Palmenberg, a molecular virologist at the University of Wisconsin–Madison and coauthor of the study.
By assembling the rhinovirus family tree and comparing the genetic codes of the different virus strains that cause colds, Palmenberg and her colleagues were able to organize the strains into about 15 groups. Now researchers may be able to design a specific antiviral drug or vaccine for each group.
“This research will help us to aim our preventative and treatment measures more accurately,” comments E. Kathryn Miller, an allergist and immunologist at the Monroe Carell Jr. Children’s Hospital at Vanderbilt Medical Center in Nashville.
Although sorting the rhinoviruses into 15 groups helped to narrow the field, drug researchers still have to aim at a moving target, the study suggests. In addition to the 99 previously known strains obtained from a virus reference library, the researchers also sequenced the genomes of 10 samples obtained from patients with colds. These samples had amassed mutations, which suggest that the rhinovirus genome changes. Tracing the rhinovirus lineage also showed that strains were able to exchange genetic information, recombining to create new strains.Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Researchers compared the strains with the genomes of other viruses, including the poliovirus, and identified a particular stretch of sequence that may help predict whether a rhinovirus strain is virulent. The team also found that rhinoviruses that plague humans use a molecular shortcut to start making their own proteins quickly, “which is likely why people feel sick soon after infection,” Palmenberg says.Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
To better understand how the viruses mutate and recombine over a cold season, the team plans to sequence rhinoviruses from a larger number of patients. “This will help us to identify which areas of the human rhinovirus genome change and which stay the same — which will help us to design new therapeutics,” Palmenberg says.Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Saturday, January 10, 2009
damage 2.dam.4 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire. Men might improve their fertility by reducing how much pollution they breathe in. The dirtier the air, the lower a man's sperm count and the more sperm with fragmented DNA he produces, two new studies suggest.
However, neither report directly links the decline in sperm quality to fertility problems.
"The decrease is not enormous," comments environmental chemist Brian McCarry of McMaster University in Hamilton, Ontario, who was not involved in either study. "There's no evidence that it has an impact on fertility."
In one study, ozone appeared to be a culprit behind diminished sperm counts, suggesting that it's a "sperm toxicant," say Rebecca Z. Sokol of the University of Southern California in Los Angeles and her colleagues. They had looked for a correlation between the quality of semen from 48 local sperm donors and air-quality data for the zip code in which each donor lived. The donors were healthy men who had given 10 or more donations to a sperm bank over at least a year.
Sperm counts were lower when ozone concentrations where the men lived had been high during the previous 90 days, Sokol and her team report in an upcoming Environmental Health Perspectives. Sperm take nearly that long to develop. The researchers took into account the effects that temperature and season have on men's sperm counts. Airborne particulate matter, nitrogen oxides, and carbon monoxide weren't associated with reduced sperm concentrations, the team says.
In the second study, Jiri Rubes and two of his colleagues at the Veterinary Research Institute in Brno, Czech Republic, worked with U.S. scientists. They examined up to seven semen samples from each of 36 men living in a polluted region of the Czech Republic.
Each September for 3 consecutive years, the researchers collected a sample from most of the men. The team took as many as four more samples from each man during the two winters of the study. Wintertime pollutant concentrations in the region can be double to quadruple those measured in September. http://louis9j9sheehan.blog.com
In most winter-air samples, a cubic meter contained 60 to 80 micrograms each of particulate matter, nitrogen oxides, and sulfur dioxide and about 150 nanograms of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, exceeding common regulatory limits. Semen samples had more fragmented DNA at those times than they did in September, the team reports in the October Human Reproduction.
"This is certainly an important finding," says Ashok Agarwal of the Cleveland Clinic. DNA damage to sperm has been linked to low pregnancy rates, although the damage found in the Czech study may not have been enough to impair fertility, he says.http://louis9j9sheehan.blog.com
Despite the heavy pollution, the researchers found no differences in sperm counts or several other measures of sperm quality. But, McCarry notes, "they didn't measure the ozone." Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire.
However, neither report directly links the decline in sperm quality to fertility problems.
"The decrease is not enormous," comments environmental chemist Brian McCarry of McMaster University in Hamilton, Ontario, who was not involved in either study. "There's no evidence that it has an impact on fertility."
In one study, ozone appeared to be a culprit behind diminished sperm counts, suggesting that it's a "sperm toxicant," say Rebecca Z. Sokol of the University of Southern California in Los Angeles and her colleagues. They had looked for a correlation between the quality of semen from 48 local sperm donors and air-quality data for the zip code in which each donor lived. The donors were healthy men who had given 10 or more donations to a sperm bank over at least a year.
Sperm counts were lower when ozone concentrations where the men lived had been high during the previous 90 days, Sokol and her team report in an upcoming Environmental Health Perspectives. Sperm take nearly that long to develop. The researchers took into account the effects that temperature and season have on men's sperm counts. Airborne particulate matter, nitrogen oxides, and carbon monoxide weren't associated with reduced sperm concentrations, the team says.
In the second study, Jiri Rubes and two of his colleagues at the Veterinary Research Institute in Brno, Czech Republic, worked with U.S. scientists. They examined up to seven semen samples from each of 36 men living in a polluted region of the Czech Republic.
Each September for 3 consecutive years, the researchers collected a sample from most of the men. The team took as many as four more samples from each man during the two winters of the study. Wintertime pollutant concentrations in the region can be double to quadruple those measured in September. http://louis9j9sheehan.blog.com
In most winter-air samples, a cubic meter contained 60 to 80 micrograms each of particulate matter, nitrogen oxides, and sulfur dioxide and about 150 nanograms of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, exceeding common regulatory limits. Semen samples had more fragmented DNA at those times than they did in September, the team reports in the October Human Reproduction.
"This is certainly an important finding," says Ashok Agarwal of the Cleveland Clinic. DNA damage to sperm has been linked to low pregnancy rates, although the damage found in the Czech study may not have been enough to impair fertility, he says.http://louis9j9sheehan.blog.com
Despite the heavy pollution, the researchers found no differences in sperm counts or several other measures of sperm quality. But, McCarry notes, "they didn't measure the ozone." Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire.
Tuesday, January 6, 2009
champagne 4.cha.0 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire . “The Widow Clicquot,” Tilar J. Mazzeo’s sweeping oenobiography of Barbe-Nicole Clicquot Ponsardin, is the story of a woman who was a smashing success long before anyone conceptualized the glass ceiling. Her destiny was formed in the wake of the French Revolution when, Mazzeo suggests, “modern society — with its emphasis on commerce and the freedom of the individual — was invented.” Barbe-Nicole, daughter of a successful textile maker turned Jacobin, is portrayed as someone whose way of doing business helped define the next century.
Fate cursed or blessed her with the mantle of early widowhood. Her husband, a winemaker from whom she learned the craft, died when she was 27, leaving her a single mother — the veuve (widow) Clicquot. Officially, the cause of François Clicquot’s death was typhoid, which was then commonly treated by feeding the patient Champagne, believed to strengthen the body against what was known as malignant fever. “To think that a bottle of his own sparkling wine might have saved François!” Mazzeo writes, going on to speculate that it is also possible he killed himself because business wasn’t good.Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire . http://louis2j2sheehan2esquire2.wordpress.com
Already savvy about winemaking, Barbe-Nicole plunged into a new life. Despite contemporary mores and the Napoleonic Code, which emphasized a woman’s role at home, she was not alone. She saw the success of such wine merchants as the widow Germon, the widow Robert and the widow Blanc, and understood that widows were the “only women granted the social freedom to run their own affairs.” With the gate open, she was off and running with spectacular results.
What a prescient entrepreneur she was, with a business outlook that sounds more 21st century than 19th. Toward the end of her life, in the 1860s, she wrote to a great-grandchild: “The world is in perpetual motion, and we must invent the things of tomorrow. One must go before others, be determined and exacting, and let your intelligence direct your life. Act with audacity.”
Her audacity was unleashed at the right time. Napoleon’s abdication in 1814 was cause for toasts among both the British and Russians. “Champagne,” Mazzeo writes, “was on its way to becoming another word for mass-culture celebration.” While the war’s naval blockade still paralyzed commercial shipping, Mme. Clicquot conspired to sneak a boat around the armada, delivering 10,000 bottles of high-proof, cork-popping 1811 cuvée Veuve Clicquot to Königsberg, where it sold for the equivalent of $100 per bottle. When the powerhouse 1811 reached St. Petersburg, Czar Alexander declared he would drink nothing else. Within two years the widow Clicquot was “at the helm of an internationally renowned commercial empire — and she was one of the first women in modern history to do it.” People said she had conquered Russia with Champagne; soon, London clubgoers simply asked for a bottle of “the Widow.”
As much about Champagne itself as about the woman who helped elevate it to celebrity status, “The Widow Clicquot” reveals that the wine’s history is as filled with faux folklore as a glass of it is with tiny bubbles. For one thing, Dom Pierre Pérignon did not invent it. The oft-told fable is that Dom Pérignon, the cellar master at the Hautvillers abbey, took a first sip and cried out to his fellow monks: “Come quickly! I am drinking the stars!” A charming tale, but bogus. Mazzeo says that for a decade after 1660, when Dom Pérignon gained fame as a master blender, he steadfastly worked at ways to prevent wine from developing bubbles. “In the 17th century,” she reports, “winemakers were anything but delighted by the voluntary sparkle that developed in their casks come spring.” Champagne did not even originate in France. While Dom Pérignon was struggling to stamp out bubbles, British oenophiles already were drinking sparkling wine made from Champagne grapes. Why? Customers rich enough to buy whole barrels realized they had to do something to keep their prize from turning to vinegar. They put still wine from Champagne into sturdy British bottles, sometimes with a little brandy to act as a preservative. At some point, somebody realized that sugar bottled with the wine would start a secondary fermentation, creating Champagne. Bubbly was not invented; it was discovered by accident.
At its beginning, Champagne scarcely resembled the dry, fine-fizzed champers we know today. Whereas a modern demi sec might contain 20 grams of sugar per bottle, the Champagne of Mme. Clicquot’s time held 10 or 15 times that much and was served as icy as a Slurpee. Nor did the original stuff have elegant little bubbles to tickle your nose. Veuve Clicquot customers complained about bubbles so big and gassy that they left the wine topped with a beery foam. http://louis2j2sheehan2esquire2.wordpress.com Madame Clicquot disparagingly called the unwelcome froth “toad’s eyes,” and was determined to make better bubbles. Although she was head of the company, her devotion to the craft of wine making never wavered; she worked with her cellar master to devise a riddling rack to facilitate remuage, the process by which sediment is drawn from the liquid to the bottle’s neck. Her obsession with creating a beverage as clear as a flawless diamond may well have been her most important achievement. Without it, Mazzeo writes, “Champagne could never have become the world’s most famous wine.” http://louis2j2sheehan2esquire2.wordpress.com
Fate cursed or blessed her with the mantle of early widowhood. Her husband, a winemaker from whom she learned the craft, died when she was 27, leaving her a single mother — the veuve (widow) Clicquot. Officially, the cause of François Clicquot’s death was typhoid, which was then commonly treated by feeding the patient Champagne, believed to strengthen the body against what was known as malignant fever. “To think that a bottle of his own sparkling wine might have saved François!” Mazzeo writes, going on to speculate that it is also possible he killed himself because business wasn’t good.Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire . http://louis2j2sheehan2esquire2.wordpress.com
Already savvy about winemaking, Barbe-Nicole plunged into a new life. Despite contemporary mores and the Napoleonic Code, which emphasized a woman’s role at home, she was not alone. She saw the success of such wine merchants as the widow Germon, the widow Robert and the widow Blanc, and understood that widows were the “only women granted the social freedom to run their own affairs.” With the gate open, she was off and running with spectacular results.
What a prescient entrepreneur she was, with a business outlook that sounds more 21st century than 19th. Toward the end of her life, in the 1860s, she wrote to a great-grandchild: “The world is in perpetual motion, and we must invent the things of tomorrow. One must go before others, be determined and exacting, and let your intelligence direct your life. Act with audacity.”
Her audacity was unleashed at the right time. Napoleon’s abdication in 1814 was cause for toasts among both the British and Russians. “Champagne,” Mazzeo writes, “was on its way to becoming another word for mass-culture celebration.” While the war’s naval blockade still paralyzed commercial shipping, Mme. Clicquot conspired to sneak a boat around the armada, delivering 10,000 bottles of high-proof, cork-popping 1811 cuvée Veuve Clicquot to Königsberg, where it sold for the equivalent of $100 per bottle. When the powerhouse 1811 reached St. Petersburg, Czar Alexander declared he would drink nothing else. Within two years the widow Clicquot was “at the helm of an internationally renowned commercial empire — and she was one of the first women in modern history to do it.” People said she had conquered Russia with Champagne; soon, London clubgoers simply asked for a bottle of “the Widow.”
As much about Champagne itself as about the woman who helped elevate it to celebrity status, “The Widow Clicquot” reveals that the wine’s history is as filled with faux folklore as a glass of it is with tiny bubbles. For one thing, Dom Pierre Pérignon did not invent it. The oft-told fable is that Dom Pérignon, the cellar master at the Hautvillers abbey, took a first sip and cried out to his fellow monks: “Come quickly! I am drinking the stars!” A charming tale, but bogus. Mazzeo says that for a decade after 1660, when Dom Pérignon gained fame as a master blender, he steadfastly worked at ways to prevent wine from developing bubbles. “In the 17th century,” she reports, “winemakers were anything but delighted by the voluntary sparkle that developed in their casks come spring.” Champagne did not even originate in France. While Dom Pérignon was struggling to stamp out bubbles, British oenophiles already were drinking sparkling wine made from Champagne grapes. Why? Customers rich enough to buy whole barrels realized they had to do something to keep their prize from turning to vinegar. They put still wine from Champagne into sturdy British bottles, sometimes with a little brandy to act as a preservative. At some point, somebody realized that sugar bottled with the wine would start a secondary fermentation, creating Champagne. Bubbly was not invented; it was discovered by accident.
At its beginning, Champagne scarcely resembled the dry, fine-fizzed champers we know today. Whereas a modern demi sec might contain 20 grams of sugar per bottle, the Champagne of Mme. Clicquot’s time held 10 or 15 times that much and was served as icy as a Slurpee. Nor did the original stuff have elegant little bubbles to tickle your nose. Veuve Clicquot customers complained about bubbles so big and gassy that they left the wine topped with a beery foam. http://louis2j2sheehan2esquire2.wordpress.com Madame Clicquot disparagingly called the unwelcome froth “toad’s eyes,” and was determined to make better bubbles. Although she was head of the company, her devotion to the craft of wine making never wavered; she worked with her cellar master to devise a riddling rack to facilitate remuage, the process by which sediment is drawn from the liquid to the bottle’s neck. Her obsession with creating a beverage as clear as a flawless diamond may well have been her most important achievement. Without it, Mazzeo writes, “Champagne could never have become the world’s most famous wine.” http://louis2j2sheehan2esquire2.wordpress.com
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